LETTER FROM K.KARAKATSANI (greece)

LETTER FROM K.KARAKATSANI

 1. About the "Agreement" 


 Avoiding public controversy, I could not answer the statement of those who claim my attitude in order to put together the pieces of their scattered obtuseness. But I am doing it, to be consistent in my commitment to the wider struggle. I do not intend to step on the backs of others to rise seemingly, either way I have things to say.
But it would be very cheap and also would not help the political situation, to limit myself to what we said and what we did not say with some. The essential ruptures liberate so now I have no hesitation to break the taboo of public criticism of fighting actions. And of course, since some spoke more than they deserve, I have to mention issues that I would otherwise consider have no place in a public text. First, therefore, I will clarify my position, but i seek also to give food for thought from the moment we stand embarrassed in front of unfamiliar situations. 
I will begin with the matter of the "agreement" that supposedly I made with my co-defendants. They wrote that they "talked seriously about the possibility of the trial to happen behind closed doors and how they would react to this possibility. From my side, I never participated in such discussions did not move on any pre-planned common action. The only thing mentioned to me, was the matter of the audience, ie not to let cops occupy seats so the largest possible number of people in solidarity can enter the room. This was the only thing we had reached an agreement on and all other requests came suddenly into the spotlight. Which means, their claim was not the product of an understanding or at least I did not know such a thing. Of course I did not express any objections to any demands and what happened the first day had my consent. Certainly for a moment I viewed the withdrawal as a gesture of protest because no one knew of the possibility of a trial in absentia. From the moment we were informed about it, everything came under discussion again and while I was possessed with skepticism, I avoided making hasty moves and statements that I could not process, within the very tight time frame. So, I did not commit to something, leaving temporarily a gap in my attitude. And because i functioned completely individually, like I intended, I did not communicate my thoughts to anyone. So, if I left room for misinterpretation, it was my fault and I accept it of course. Between that I agreed to enter demands and that I agreed to be tried in absentia, is a great distance. That I was asked and "assured that I still agree" and other such things that were written, is obscene lies.On the contrary they knew that I have not told my lawyers that i will cease them. But anyway, since the beginning of this case up to now I move completely independently, so I think I have not given any impression to my co-defendants, so they can imagine such agreements, that prerequisite proper consultation, the intention of fighting coexistence and comrade feeling. Concepts certainly that do not characterize our relations .. and made it clear to them, by telling them in the holding cells from the start: "you should know that i do not feel any unity with any of you". 
Meanwhile, in the intervening week until the next court, it should have been to everyone visible my differentiation from this situation: my lawyers do not participate in the press conference, my parents do not sign the text of the other parents, I do not align myself with texts and statements of the others. It is therefore obvious that I am handling this case alone and I will never proceed to cooperate with some, that as more suspicious now, I think that perhaps they wanted to turn the trial into a spectacular blockbuster and would find a reason either way to do so. (To be honest I do not think they all had the same intention)

2.about the court

In a previous letter I have already referred briefly to the reasons I chose not to leave the trial. We have as first fact, a court in full alignment with the regime's totalitarianism. This is anything but surprising, as it is included in the overall context of the "special treatment" of dissidents, where everything is converted to "special". Transport conditions, conditions of detention, conditions of litigation. And we experience it as "special" arrested, imprisoned, accused. Through this, expressions such as "legitimizing the practice of the judges" is the definition of a superficial approach. Nobody goes voluntarily to a court. So when any revolutionary is in a court with "special" features he/she "legitimizes" its practices, and therefore its existence? When they transfer you with bulletproof vests and stretched out automatic machine guns, you legitimize this process, and hence the existence of the anti-terrorist police? When we were in the offices of the prosecutors, did we "legalize" them as well? When you are a prisoner, again against your will, do you "legitimize" the existence of prisons? And because we are in places that naturally have hostile characteristics (holding cells, courts, prisons), generally what we do is to "legitimize" state terrorism? Eventually, everyone can experience in our time such procedures, but the question is how we stand in them. And if anyone still believes that the presence in court means "legalization ", then they would do well not to attend any proceedings for this case, nor another, nor to the appeals courts. Because the id cards will continue to be held and generally the same conditions will not cease to exist. We will be here. No one else, except time will decide who is consistent in his choices. To not attend a trial demeaning it, is a respectable choice of denial. Not going to a trial because you wanted to do something and it did not work out and you are trapped in your own selfishness is a result of bad strategy.

As for me, I'll be there in order not to become a spectator of my conviction, especially when it is a case in which I do not accept the charges and my prosecution in general. And of course, every trial of such type can not but target from our side to the confrontation with the state, the emergence and diffusion of subversive ideas. And not to consume the insurrection of each one, creating a force field although strong, ineffective. 

3.about the hunger strike.

Soon the situation slipped from the bipolar of presence or absence from the trial. It took other dimensions, when it was decided by some to start a hunger strike, in order to return to the trial after their demand concerning the holding of the identities is met, something which was obviously impossible. If the mobilization was decided considering no one will go to the trial (as they said), then the trial would finish rapidly. The strike would not have had time to evolve, the sentences would be announced, the state would have ignored this mobilization and it would have been permanently exempted from the  Halandri case, without any discomfort. And on the other hand we dispersed in prisons all over the place with a sense of dissatisfaction on our consciences. With these facts, it is worth wondering where they base the assertion "we could have achieved a significant victory". Not only  there was no chance of victory, but in my opinion, the matter was also placed on a wrong base. The defeat was prescribed and that is why there was an attempt to avoid the strike. In the end it started a week late, for selfish reasons, just because it was announced. 

And in the end, my presence at the trial marked the gaining of time. If the hunger strikers had taken their task seriously, they could see this as an opportunity to carry out their struggle. To exploit the duration of the trial, bringing the strike to the point where their health would put more pressure, and hopefully on the horizon would appear a promising prospect. But since they gave up, probably its not me who cannot take the weight! Personally I was not interested in any way to occupy myself with this move, since I saw from the beginning the unsuited exaggeration and non-productivity, so I cannot be attributed with any role of influence to it. The state is pressured by those who strike not those eating.

And to finish with the games to impress, let it be clear that these individuals, although they perceived the dead-end of this option, they thought they could not backtrack to not look like they are retreating and so they found in me a perfect excuse to retreat . And of course, when they were in front of their responsibilities, in order to not recognize that they were trapped by their wrong handling, attempted my moral and political obsolescence, in order for their own credibility to remain intact. 
Besides, my attitude was which suited everyone. First: me who I said clearly I did not want to be tried in absentia, nor did I agree to it, second, the piece that also did not want, but expected the divisive factor Karakatsani to take the blame, but also the remaining piece looking for a smooth exit from the hunger strike. This is the piece that unloaded on me all the responsibilities in the review of a political failure of hunger strikers. Which better not be historically recorded as such, but as a result of a political imbalance, because then it reaches the point of commoditization of the instrument, its individual goals and achievements. To not historically be recorded as such, since the movement's legacy remains alive the vivid memory of the hunger striker Christophoros Marinos in 1995 for his liberation, of the Turkish political prisoners in 2000 who were on strike for the white cells dropping dead one after another, the hunger striker Holger Meins exterminated by the German state after forced feeding in 1974, etc. Remain alive the memories to remind us that the strike is not a simple painless instrument but means of struggle in which is compromised the health and life of those who decide to use it. Alive or Dead. Either a winner and standing or a loser and lying down. A middle situation does not exist and no Karakatsani is an excuse to retreat. So lets be a little more modest. An honest self-criticism would have more chances to win the respect, unlike the responsibility feared backlash move, which cast the burden on my shoulders.

I am and I will remain INCONSISTENT for those who trivialize practices and demean forms of struggle that have historically been landmarks of struggles in revolutionary procedures.

INCSINCERE for those who shift their responsibilities to others, relegating even any sense of self criticism . I am and always will be DISRUPTIVE for those who choose moves that are on the verge of self victimization and give reasons to useless subjects to speak of me politically, who sabotage the revolutionary vision, more efficiently than dominance itself. (referring only to the arson in the Law school). And honorably, I am and I will be in the future ENRAGED, for those who adopt attitudes and behaviors that are not recognized within the scope of my political assessment. Also among other things, I will also be a traitor, to anything that does not coincide with my value and fighting positions.

Honest I will be only with those who consciously honour their value codes. My robust respect and consistency therefore will only be enjoyed by those who feel comradeship as the highest good. A concept that should be worn as a crown on our heads, because it is also the lobby of the post-revolutionary order.

P.S.: The reason I sent the last letter was very specific. I wanted to say a few words about the trial, but mainly intended to block some journalists who over did it on my attitude, in order for obvious reasons to promote the “rupture of the accused". A crack that existed anyway, I just thought that i should treat it as an internal matter (of those who sit in the same dock), protecting it from any kind of enemies, visible and invisible, who are flattered by such statements, and not to expose it before all for cannibalism. As it seems, however, I was the only person who respected this value rule. 

P.S.2: In the text of my co-defendants I could see that with a very petty political practice they tried to turn against me also those who stand in solidarity, writing that "I legalize the court's decision to register the people". Obviously i consciously discredit those who deliberately swallow, without chewing, these words. Whatever I say is for those who enroll themselves in the direction of building a strong revolutionary movement with healthy terms that will not step over respect, but promote it, will not cover up its political mistakes, but will learn from them. 

As long as these situations find support within the movement, so long will they destabilize it, disintegrating it from within. 

KOSTANDINA KARAKATSANI 
-female prisons of Koridallos. 25/2/2011

boubouras translations

UPDATE ON C.C.F. TRIAL greece FRIDAY 4/3/2011

The comrades today asked for the actions that are attributed to them to be recognized as political. At the same time they submitted procedural objections for bad composition of the court as well as for the declaration of the official charges as vague. The objections were rejected repeatedly.

First, A.Mitrousias lawyer submitted three procedural objections that were also supported by the advocates of the present defendants E.Rallis, N.Vogiatsakis, E.Giospas and Konstandina Karakatsani.

Firstly, was submitted an objection of bad composition of court. Second, the advocates submitted an objection of jurisdictional matter of the court, because it is, as he said, for political actions, and not of common illegal acts. The advocates pointed out that the definition of terrorist action, according to the penal code, coincides with the definition of political crime, as this has been given by the the law. The public prosecutor, on the contrary, stressed that according to the Supreme Court the coup d'etat or the attempt of coup d'etat is only considered political crimes.

At this point comrade A.Mitrousias spoke up and commented that it is contradictory of the legal system to recognize the attribution of political criminal only in its “superior” hierarchical layers, as for example colonels that attempt a coup d'etat, but not recognizing it in simple teams of citizens that have a different ideology and wish to change order as we know it.

Thirdly, the advocate of A.Mitrousias, submitted an objection of vagueness of the official charge with the explanation that it includes ambiguities and vagueness in the basic evidence of the criminal actions attributed to the defendants. More specifically, he supported that the official charge does not define with clarity the attributed criminal actions, the place, the time, the way as well as the individuals by which these acts were commited. The court rejected also this objection as unacceptable. It is reminded that the same objection was submitted on the 7^th of February from the lawyer of Konstandina Karakatsani.

The trial continues on Monday the 7th of March.

Attacks against Rabobank in Utrecht, by Conspiracy of Cells of Fire, Dutch Cell

  Conspiracy Cells of Fire [via 325.nostate.net]. 

Final statement Conspiracy Cells of Fire, Dutch Cell
“The attacks on the fascists of Rabobank is dedicated with all our fire to our brothers of the prisoner’s cell of the members of Conspiracy Cells of Fire and the oppressed people of the world. Our comrades and the honest minority of dignified revolutionary Persons political and civil, are not just a piece of our struggle, are not only an aspect of our action, but their choices, attitudes and dignity are the struggle itself as a whole, they are the substance.

Attacks we are claiming:

• June 2010 - setting the tower in fire in Utrecht (Netherlands)
• October 2010 - setting the tower in fire in Utrecht (Netherlands)
• February 2011 - setting the tower in fire and attacks on the website of Rabobank in Utrecht (Netherlands)

Justice is a spider web, catching small prey and swallowing them, while allowing the big reptiles to penetrate and dominate it. Whoever disagrees can visit the prisons to see all these drug addicts and poor devils that fill them up and look around in there to find any businessman or politician who is responsible for the biggest robberies and the most brutal degradation of our lives.

We do not believe in a capitalist system that kills, steal, murder, bring modern fascism, bring racism, bring wars in to our lives. We do not believe in a system that helps banks for their mistakes, while people starving from hunger. We do not believe in a political fascist system that so called leaders of the people, and at the same time stealing from the same society for their interests.

Why Rabobank,

The fascists from Rabobank invest in the arms industry (the arms that they are investing is also going to the police, military in the Netherlands, Egypt, Greece, Israel, Libya, Algeria and other countries). Rabobank calls this justified action, and we also get Shell, ING, ABN-Amro, Randstad. All these mentioned fascists companies of the system are paramount in their view that they justify the action.

The attacks on Rabobank justify what we call action! Future attacks on Shell, ING, ABN-Amro, Randstad these companies are accountable!

In Egypt, Tunisia, Algeria, Libya, the above mentioned companies and / or subsidiaries that have been attacked by splinter cells called the Fire. A truth that is not released by the representatives of the system. This shows our strong international solidarity.

We count Rabobank guilty for the dead of thousands of people, including children. Like the most fascist company’s, they are saying that they behavior justifying action when they are investing. Our action against the Rabobank is justifying action.

We are continuing our attacks and against the banks, executions of the so called government leaders of the Netherlands, against fascists party like PVV, VVD, CDA and the ass licking left parties.”

Conspiracy Cells of Fire, Dutch Cell

LETTER FROM M.NIKOLOPOULOS AND G.TSAKALOS 4/2/2011

We are experiencing all over greece a period which at the same time is one of the most critical moments and one of the biggest bets of the anarchist revolutionary movement. Sovereignty steps on the qualitative and quantitative raising of the benchmark of hostilities from our side, increasing more and more the intensity of repression. The arrests of comrades, the publication of photographs, the raids in houses, and the more general climate of diffuse fear that is attempted to be imposed are a piece of this counter-attack.

The penalization of friendly and comrade relations constitutes henceforth a guaranteed method of the juridical and police authorities. The anarchist comrades S.Antoniou, D. Michail and Ch. Politis are the latest on a list of individuals that are imprisoned, no for their action, but for their political perceptions and their friendly and comrade relations. A list to which the juridical authorities are also trying to add the anarchist comrade Fee Meyer, with the ridiculous argument for the “offence” of possession of texts from imprisoned revolutionaries.

In this climate began the trial of members of the organization together with individuals that are accused without evidence for participation in it. A trial which being the first in a line of other that will follow for cases of revolutionary action will determine on one level the behavior of the special courts towards the political prisoners, concerning the conditions of the upcoming trials. From the beginning of the procedure it became perceptible the effort of isolation and cutting off of the defendants from the comrades in solidarity via the blackmail of registering those who arrive to the courtroom.

Solidarity as a bidirectional relationship could not leave uninvolved the accused comrades in this decision of the court. Leaving the procedure and their refusal “to legalize” this registering with their presence there, constitute a decent and proud political attitude. A attitude that includes also the proportional cost to the comrades that are accused without evidence for heavy charges and are in danger to be judged in absentia. A fight that puts as a priority the relation of solidarity between the defendants and the comrades that arrive to the room of the special court in order to support them and give them strength.

This fight is given no for a precarious victory in this court, but in order to impose it as a vested to all the following political trials, the possibility of unhindered attendance of those in solidarity.

A fight that climaxes with the start of a hunger strike. What our revolutionary conscience commands us to do is stand next to our comrades and begin a hunger strike to support them.

First Gerasimos Tsakalos began on 3/2/2011 with the remainder of the comrades a hunger strike, and soon Michalis Nikolopoulos will begin as well, because of practical difficulties that are related with his very short time within the walls.

In this critical moment for the anarchist-revolutionary movement we answer with confronting attack. We do not take a step back. We declare our respect for the comrades that are accused in this trial and select the difficult path of the fight, their attitude raise the benchmark of revolutionary consistency. We send our warmest greetings to those that even under the pressure of difficult times continue acting in the direction of rupture with the diffuse dominating construction. To all the comrades and the organizations that corresponded through their acts and their texts to the call for a co-creation of the INFORMAL ANARCHIST FEDERATION – INTERNATIONAL REVOLUTIONARY NETWORK. We raise our fists through from inside the walls. And finally, we dedicate to the brothers of the Illegal Sector of our organization the paraphrased extract from Jan Marc Rouillian. “For a long time I remain there stiff as a rock, the head leaning, hands in the pockets, the memories bombard me, the ones from outside, those from our struggles… The friendship and the tenderness of those who fight embraced, are unleashed by our laughters and the untidy discussions to the morning. We are of course full of the absolute, of the intoxicating freedom of the undisciplined, but also from the hard certainty that we hold, at any cost, one of the last barricades before the crushing. And we laughed. We laughed always while oiling our guns, until goodbye, with an old cry of war, DARE TO FIGHT, DARE TO WIN…”

LONG LIVE THE R.O. CONSPIRACY CELLS OF FIRE

LONG LIVE THE ARMED STRUGGLE FOR REVOLUTIONaries

LONG LIVE ANARCHY

Michalis Nikolopoulos-Gerasimos Tsakalos

Members of the Prisoners Cell of the Conspiracy Cells of Fire

4/2/2011

UPDATE ON C.C.F. TRIAL 15/2/2011

The application of exception that was submitted by the four comrades of the Conspiracy Cells of Fire against the regular and surrogate judges was rejected today by the three-member Court of appeal of felonies of Athens, that sat today with a different composition.

The advocates of the three defendants (Emmanuel Giospas, Nikos Vogiatzakis and Errikos Rallis) who are free under conditions, as well as the lawyer of the imprisoned Alexandros Mitrousias repeated their demands against the members of the court, which they ascribe a series of procedural infringements for the decisions they have taken regarding the retaining of the identities of people that enter the court, in order to watch the trial, the non recording of the procedure, on the self appointed nomination of advocates of defence and the sending of the proceedings to the prosecutors office and the Lawyer's Association of Athens.

The court decided that no suspicions exist of partiality at the expense of the defendants from the regular and surrogate judges. Thus, the trial was adjourned until next Tuesday 22/2

Informal Anarchist Federation / Conspiracy of Cells of Fire-responsibility claim for the incendiary package send to the minister of justice in greece 2/2

_

I do not feel loss for my arrest…

I do not feel loss for the clandestinity …

I do not feel loss that I am imprisoned…

I do not feel loss for the Struggle that we conduct…

(Michalis Nikolopoulos member of the prisoned cell of C.C.F)

The real defeat in a war is not captivity in the hands of the enemy, but capitulation, loss of conscience, surrender, penitence, statements of loyalty. Because that is where the game of power is played, in the moral decline and depreciation of its dissident opponents. It wants to force rebels to bend, to kneel, to conciliate to make clear that “every struggle is lost, all resistance is useless” . However the only lost fight is the one that never began. Its commands are clear. “You must not think, you must not resist, you must not fight”. And where its rhetoric does not work, either with the illusion of consuming frenzy, or with the threat of the violence of truncheons, guns and tear gas, there are the judicial “clergies” and correctional establishments ready “to accommodate” the most undisciplined for an indefinite time. They also want to send this message “we decide and we give the orders” inside the special political martial court that is judging the case of the revolutionary organization Conspiracy of Cells of Fire. 
 There is no need for somebody to be an anti-authoritarian in order to see the overt fascism that prevails in the special court of Koridalos prison. The refusal to  install microphones for the recording of the trial and the fact that the cops hold all the identities of the people who want to express their solidarity and stand next to the defendants are the “virtues” of the admirable world of democracy. Those that with their predatory appetites have “mortgaged” the life of an entire population, now speak about the “unsustainable cost of recording the trial” while simultaneously they are restoring in modern history the publication of new testimonial beliefs, by keeping the identities of the people that want to attend the trial, obviously in order to use them in no “innocent” way, but for the input of the Police and the Counter-terrorist department.
We will be brief.


The comrades of the cell of the imprisoned members of C.C.F and the dignified rebels P. Masouras and G. Karagianidis have highlighted the political and repressive policies of this trial a thousand times better than us.

The essential wager that is being played at this moment on the part of the anarchists, revolutionaries, those in solidarity and undisciplined is to not allow power to make one more step towards strengthening its coup d'etat. 
The cell of the imprisoned members of C.C.F and the dignified comrades placed a limit of life and dignity by beginning a HUNGER STRIKE on 3-2-2011. “This struggle is given, not for a precarious victory in this court, but in order for it to be imposed as an non-negotiable term in all the political trials that will follow, the possibility of the unhindered attendance by all the people who want to express their solidarity. A fight that comes to a peak with the start of the hunger strike”(Gerasimos Tsakalos- Michalis Nikolopoulos - members of the cell of prisoned members of C.C.F) The comrades turned the court of power into a victory not only for the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire but also for the wider revolutionary front. Everything that happened and everything that will happen constitutes the new legacy of courts and prosecutions that the system is preparing for its political opponents.
Comrades…! in this court is being conducted one of the most important battles that goes far beyond the action and history of a revolutionary organization. The state “tests” the resistance and tolerance of the radical-subversive area.

Certain coincidences, such as the facility with which the police and the public prosecutors fill the TV screens and the front pages of the newspapers with photographs of suspects, where it is proved afterwards that these persons, such as the anarchist Fee Meyer or K.S. that was arrested as a suspect for a robbery in Thessaloniki and turn out to have no relation with these “charges” against them, are not accidental. (We add that for that particular robbery the anarchist Rami Surianos was arrested and for sure if he is innocent he deserves our solidarity, if guilty he deserve it a thousand times more). The new fashion of arrests of persons that are accused for unknown-anonymous terrorist groups, such as the case of the 6 and the arrest of the 4 comrades in Thessaloniki, is also not accidental.
This witticism of the unknown-anonymous terrorist tgroup, as anyone can understand, is an “elastic argument” that stretches and opens depending on the appetites and interests of power and the law enforcement authorities in order to justify the huge increase in future charges (special provisions of terrorism law). 

It was heard from the public prosecutor that in the case of F. Meyer “it is not reasonable to possess texts written by suspects for terrorism”. That is to say the possession of texts that are already published, that contain thoughts, concerns, proposals, regardless whether somebody agrees or not, is considered a punishable offence. Thus perhaps the season of the thought police is not far away. We must not forget that what gets used by the eye, gets used by the brain as well. Anyone can remember the reactions that existed to the first special court years ago for the R.O. 17November, and compare them with the present trial. Now the fact that special courts exist seems to be normal and only a few react (a fact that honours them).

Here exactly we must pass to the counter-attack. Exactly here we must stop getting used to retreating. Exactly here we must stop fearing the ghost of repression. The repression exists because action exists. Qualitative, quantitative and unrepentant action.
The imprisoned members of C.C.F. and the dignified comrades sparked something off. Our brothers from Thessaloniki of the case of the 4 together with G. Skoyloudis as well as Stelios and Panos Anastasiadis (the NADIR case) turned their solidarity into action by participating in the abstention from taking prison food. Here we want to add that the 4 comrades D. Dimtsiadis, D. Fessas, M. Tsilianidis, S. Tzifkas gave “lessons” in revolutionary dignity, disdaining and offending the judiciaries with their proud attitude as they did not give one word, refusing to recognize the process. We remind them that they are always in our thoughts and that the dangerous journey of revolution has not finished…
Now it is our time. We, “the free”, all of us, anarchists and revolutionaries that say that we refuse this world, that we are fighting for freedom, that we are demolishing their false god that is money because ours is the human being, will we leave our comrades alone? Will we tolerate the fascist delirium of this worthless president (of the court) and her collaborators that pronounce “death” sentences for the comrades that go on hunger strike?

There is no need for anyone to answer to himself with emotion. There is no space for emotion, or for humanitarian sympathies. It is a matter of a clear conscience. If the values and the moral code of persons that still believe in anarchy and her beauty, allows them to delay their attack and make up excuses, they should stay away from the affair We will not wait for them neither will history ….
Now or never there is a need for our most decisive step. We say again that here is being played a total wager from the side of power. The development and the way in which the court of C.C.F turns out will be the guide for the trials to come. What remains unanswered will be considered a defeat. Their wager is in our hand, to make it our opportunity. Because times can be hard, our brothers can risk their lives with the hunger strike, many comrades can be imprisoned in the cells of democracy, however it is always one more chance for attack, for the destruction of this system. Of course, the need for strategy is now more clear than never before. Lightning never travels in straight repetitive lines. It bursts out suddenly. Even a phenomenal “silence”, is not a retreat, but the silence before the thunder…

As a minimal expression of solidarity to the struggle of the imprisoned members of Conspiracy of Cells of Fire and the dignified comrades we sent an incendiary package to the minister of Justice X. Kastanidi who is responsible for the refusal of one of the two requirements of our comrades for the recording of the transcript of the trial. We will not answer his lies concerning the quantity of allegedly powerful explosives that he claimed for reasons of communication policy in order to present himself as victim. We will make do with repeating that the precautionary measures were the same as those of the previous 14 packets so that it is impossible for anyone uninvolved to be injured.

Moreover, we want to say a few things about the recent events in the Law faculty.
This is the season of murderers. When the walls of a building have more value than 300 tortured souls, then it is sure that something is not going well. We have spoken about the contradictions of immigrants in a previous text, however when the majority of Greek society cares more about the windows and doors of a building, then do not search for criminals and murderers in the thieves and the desperate. Look around you, they speak the Greek language fluently and some go around in expensive cars wearing ties. Because you should know that when somebody is cruel in words, it rarely stops there ..

Finally we declare that from now the illegal sector of Conspiracy of Cells of Fire will also participate in the International Revolutionary Front - Informal Anarchist Federation. The explosive expression of solidarity at international level for the trial of C.C.F. and also the publications that put organizations such as the FLT-FLA (Mexico) and Praxedis G. Guerrero in their texts, we consider that they initiate powerful bases for the opening of a revolutionary dialogue through action, but also proposals of co-ordination.
We send therefore the most powerful revolutionary greeting to the comrades revolutionaries in all the world with the belief that our voices and action can meet and coordinate our total attack against power. 

The sabotages in Turkey and the attacks of the informal cells of insurrection, the attacks in Chile, the letters with bullets in Madrid and Barcelona, the paint bombs on the Greek embassy in Austria, the arson of courts in Switzerland, the acts of solidarity in Poland, in Bristol, in London, but also in other places- heart of the capitalistic civilization (sources of counter - information culmine, viva la anarquia, act for freedom, 325, safa.espiv e.t.c.) fill us with strength and courage in order to continue. And not only, but also in order to commit through our participation in the Informal Anarchist Federation - International Revolutionary Front that the quiet days are over for ever.

At the same moment the internal enemy in Greece, is developing, becoming more effective and is organizing for its confrontation with the system. The attacks of the International Revolutionary Front - Deviant Behaviour for the spread of revolutionary terrorism, Informal Anarchist Federation - Cell of Aggressive Line, Informal Anarchist Federation - Cell of Revolutionary Solidarity, Warriors of Revolutionary Conscience, commando Lambros Fountas, revolutionary formations for the spread of chaos and other comrades, show that the prospect of international networking in the formation of the Informal Anarchist Federation and its values is effective here and now. Now every anarchist group can participate in this open platform of action and thought, contributing with its own way in its development and co-ordination. Also we send our warm solidarity to the anarchists Monica Caballero and Andrea Urzua Cid who are to be found in the women's prisons of Chile and to all the arrested for the bombs - case, to the anarchists Adrian Magdaleno and Braulio Arturo Duran (jailed in Mexico), to our brother Gabriel Pombo Da Silva in prison of Germany and to Billy, Costa, Silvia, M. Camenich (prisons of Switzerland).

Finally we embrace our own people, Michalis, Gerasimos, Panagiotis, Xaris, Takis, we grit our teeth and give them this promise and commitment:

As long as the sun rises from the east we will not stop fighting for your release even for a moment, to be all together again in the most beautiful plans that we left unfinished in order to fulfil the most wild and “mad” adventure of revolution. Our day will come...

We dedicate you these few words to you...

“Love danger. What hardre? That is what I want.
Which road will you take? The most rugged uphill.
Love responsibility
Do not look for friends, look for comrades.
Do not ask “will we win?”... “will we be defeated?”... just FIGHT...”

Illegal sector
Informal Anarchist Federation / Conspiracy of Cells of Fire




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ANNOUNCEMENT OF ENDING THE HUNGER STRIKE OF THE FOUR DEFENDANTS OF THE R.O. C.C.F.

This text is written as a statement to announce the end of the hunger strike that we had begun on Thursday 3-2-2011. We know that such type of actions and forms of struggle leave their prints on the history of the revolutionary subversive movement, and hence have a public character and are exposed to any criticism. Taking into consideration, therefore, that we are stopping the strike before our demand is satisfied and at a very short time after the start our mobilisation, we decided to make a public statement carrying out an assessment of our mobilization from the beginning of our trial until now.

the rest of the text will follow....

RECENT ANARCHIST NEWS FROM THE STRUGGLE IN GREECE FOR THE C.C.F.

Abstention from prison food by Simos SeisidIs

Simos Seisidis refused prison food today 10 / 2 in solidarity with the hunger strikers . / accused of involvement in the C.C.F.

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Solidarity action at the Court of Thessaloniki for the 5 hunger strikers accused of CCF 
An action took place yesterday morning in the Thessaloniki court building for the 5 hunger strikers (H. Hadtzimihelakis, P. Massouras, P. Argirou, G. Karagiannidis, G. Tsakalos)  accused of involvement in theConspiracy of Cells of Fire, on their eighth day of hunger strike. 

They gave out leaflets with texts (one by 4 of the hunger strikers, and the statement by hunger strikers G.Tsakalos-M.Nikolopoulou), which were thrown into the courts on all the different levels of the building. 

In particular, texts were given to the people who had come to the court, were put under the doors of investigators, prosecutors, etc., were left on seats in the courtrooms, in canteens, and were put up on the court noticeboards, and the corridors were full up with leaflets in solidarity with the hungerstrikers and the CCF defendants.

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UPDATE OF THE ONGOING C.C.F TRIAL 10 February

This morning, the three defendants that are free on bail, Emmanuel G., N. Vogiatsakis. and E. Rallis., and Mitrousias A., on remand, went to court and their lawyers requested that the judges (who listened with expressions of disbelief on their faces) of the three-member Appeals Court be revoked, because, they said, there are suspicions of bias on their part.

Representatives of the Piraeus Bar Association today went to the trial of those accused of CCF to intervene, following the events of last Wednesday. The PBA sent representatives of the association to see for themselves the conditions under which the trial is proceeding and possibly to make a complaint. The delegation announced this to the court through defence lawyer K. Papadakis, as a form of pressure on the judges. They charged them with procedural violations and the decision to withhold the identity of persons entering the courtroom to watch the trial and for not recording the proceedings, for their appointment of defence lawyers and sending the notes of the proceedings to the Prosecutors Office and the Athens lawyers association. The application for exemption does not involve Constantina Karakatsani, as she has retained her initial lawyers . The trial was adjourned to next Tuesday to consider the lawyers' request to revoke the judges.

The trial will resume Tuesday February 15

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Refusal of prison food - Rumy Syrianos 

From the moment of the notorious case of Halandri and the first arrests for the Revolutionary Organisation CCF, an unprecedented for Greece campaign of political persecution and criminalization of friendship and comradeship and attempts at depoliticisation of revolutionary theory and practice, has clearly emerged. The newly opened anti-terrorist theorem, elaborated on the 12th floor of G.A.D.A [anti-terrorist department of the central police station] and built by The Counterfeit reality of the media, fits almost anyone who thinks to resist. 
The trial for the same case could not but seal this campaign. Certainly the anxious effort of depoliticisation of proceedings of the trial is self-eliminated by the regime itself (from the special composition of the tribunal, a special room for the trial in Korydallos prison, refusal to record the minutes, recording of the details of anyone who wants to watch the trial procedure as well as the repeated appointing of lawyers for the defendants). It is evident that the state is trying hard to send a clear message to any outbreak of insurgency and at the same time to bend the solidarity movement, using it to extend the already existing lists of suspects to follow and future prosecutions.

Under these conditions of the State's counterattack and the mechanisms of repression, solidarity constitutes one of the most powerful weapons at our disposal. Thus from 9/2, I have begun to refuse prison food as a minimal sign of support and solidarity, to the defendants of the Revolutionary Organization Conspiracy Cells of Fire that have gone on hunger strike, but also as an action of resistance to the methods of authority, considering always the restrictions of action that a prisoner has.

P.S. The present letter was written in a hurry because of the developments of the trial of the comrades. A letter will follow where I will try to deposit the opinions and perceptions that led me to my choices and ultimately to my arrest.

R.Syrianos

11/2/11,

 Ioannina prisons