Saturday, March 5, 2011

UPDATE ON C.C.F. TRIAL greece FRIDAY 4/3/2011

The comrades today asked for the actions that are attributed to them to be recognized as political. At the same time they submitted procedural objections for bad composition of the court as well as for the declaration of the official charges as vague. The objections were rejected repeatedly.
First, A.Mitrousias lawyer submitted three procedural objections that were also supported by the advocates of the present defendants E.Rallis, N.Vogiatsakis, E.Giospas and Konstandina Karakatsani.

Firstly, was submitted an objection of bad composition of court. Second, the advocates submitted an objection of jurisdictional matter of the court, because it is, as he said, for political actions, and not of common illegal acts. The advocates pointed out that the definition of terrorist action, according to the penal code, coincides with the definition of political crime, as this has been given by the the law. The public prosecutor, on the contrary, stressed that according to the Supreme Court the coup d'etat or the attempt of coup d'etat is only considered political crimes.

At this point comrade A.Mitrousias spoke up and commented that it is contradictory of the legal system to recognize the attribution of political criminal only in its “superior” hierarchical layers, as for example colonels that attempt a coup d'etat, but not recognizing it in simple teams of citizens that have a different ideology and wish to change order as we know it.

Thirdly, the advocate of A.Mitrousias, submitted an objection of vagueness of the official charge with the explanation that it includes ambiguities and vagueness in the basic evidence of the criminal actions attributed to the defendants. More specifically, he supported that the official charge does not define with clarity the attributed criminal actions, the place, the time, the way as well as the individuals by which these acts were commited. The court rejected also this objection as unacceptable. It is reminded that the same objection was submitted on the 7th of February from the lawyer of Konstandina Karakatsani.
The trial continues on Monday the 7th of March.

Solidarity Poster for Polykarpos Georgiadis and Vaggelis Chrisohoidis (greece)

did anyone speak of a
“…A handful of capitalists
have organized a criminal gang
and have kidnapped the proletarians,
demanding for ransom
their labor force,
merchandising their human activity,
their time (which is turned into money),
their own being itself…”
to vaggelis Chrisohoidis and Polykarpos Georgiadis
who the persecuting authorities, exactly because they denied to betray values and people,
accuse them as participators in the kidnapping of industrialist Milonas
anarchists from Serres from north-greece

Update from the demo for Aris Sirinidis 3/3/2011 athens greece

The demo had more than 2000 people and was very strong. it was the obvious show of solidarity to one of the most emblematical faces of the anarchist movement. 

Freedom to Aris.


Solidarity Assembly




On the 30/3/2011 the trial for the case of “the robbers in black” will take place in the first degree, regarding the January 2006 National bank robbery on Solonos st., central Athens, and six more bank robberies. It is the same case for which Yiannis Dimitrakis was finally sentenced, in the second degree, to 12,5 years of imprisonment. This time Simos Seisidis, who had been a fugitive for 4,5 years, is in the place of the accused.

Simos was arrested on the 3/5/2010, after a coincidental and unfortunate run-in with a police patrol. As he was a fugitive, Simos did not stop to be controlled and, in the pursuit that followed, was shot from behind, resulting in his life being endangered and, finally, in the amputation of his right leg, due to the severity of the injury. Despite all this, a case has been brought against him also for this incident, with Simos being charged of attempted homicide against the cop who shot him in the back, having first taken cover behind a car! He is in pre-trial detention also for this case, as the inquisitor wanted to bring it to a close in haste, not even waiting for the report from the medical coroner on the amputated limb. The report was finally delivered AFTER A NINE MONTH DELAY, FULLY CONFIRMING OUR STATEMENTS.

Simos became a fugitive after an arrest warrant was issued against him (and against his brother Marios Seisidis and the comrade Marios Tsironis, who are still wanted), following the bank robbery during which Yiannis Dimitrakis was arrested. Without any substantial evidence against them and due to the criminalization of their personal and comradely relationships, the three comrades were forced to flee, not expecting, and justly so, any justice by civil justice, the repressive mechanisms, and the terror-spouting puppets on the news. None of the three aforementioned powers contradicted them: the first sentenced them in absentia to 7,5 years of imprisonment for misdemeanors concerning the seven bank robberies, recently rejecting Simos' right to appeal. The second, after placing the astronomical amount of 600.000 euro on their heads, finally tried to kill him. And the last, with their police leaks and “terror” articles all these years, paved the way for the bullet that finally found its target...

The comrade is also facing the charge of seizure of weaponry, based solely on DNA evidence (which was found in a different area from where the incident took place, but that's fine print if you are an anarchist and indeed a wanted one). Recently, prosecutions based on DNA are...fashionable with the Greek authorities, who have in this way found an easy way to incriminate people, granted that the genetic material of each and everyone of us can be found or transported anywhere at any given moment. With another older case still pending, for which he could have easily been acquitted if not a fugitive (after all he was recently acquitted from yet another frame-up against him), Simos finds himself in prison sentenced for two cases and in pre-trial detention for another three cases, in total. The essence of the case does not lie however in its legal-juridical side, although we consider a short description of the situation as necessary, in order for the comrades inside and outside of Greece to have a clear as possible picture of the intensity and size of the attempt from the side of the state to annihilate this particular comrade. We want the solidarity to his person, in face of his court on the 30/3, to be matching in its intensity and size.

In the last two years in Greece, the empire strikes back. In fear of the social explosions that might erupt due to the intensity of the economic crisis, it is trying to eliminate the factor, who through the diffusion of political consciousness during the explosion, could transform it into a revolution: the anarchist/anti-authoritarian milieu. In attempting this, democracy has lost the last even facade of democraticness. Protesters are beaten with unbelievable fierceness, anarchist spaces are labeled as safe-houses, people are led to prison accused of participating in … unnamed and unknown armed groups, others are accused of being “terrorists”, because they were walking down a road or were drinking a coffee. But unfortunately for those in power, were they repress one focus of resistance, another ten spring up...

They are trying to transform social struggles into a harmless and pointless activity, through the use of fear and repression. It is up to us to throw that fear back into their face. They are trying, through the paradigmatic annihilation of those in struggle who find themselves in their clutches, to deter the rest from choosing to struggle and resist, and to render the imprisoned comrades into ghosts, still remembered by only a few friends and relatives... It is up to us to not forget our comrades. It is up to us to take them back.

WE WILL NOT ALLOW SIMOS SEISIDIS' ANNIHILATION. Not because he is “innocent”. Nor because he was brutally “punished” by the repressive mechanisms. BUT BECAUSE HE IS A FIGHTER.
WE DEMAND HIS IMMEDIATE RELEASE. Not out of “democratic sensitivity”. Nor out of humanism. 


Comrades in solidarity





Germany: Suicide of a refugee........

That all and many more, what is not yet documented is the story behind that "again such a weirdo thrown himself in
front of a train".
A man from Nepal, who lived for 15 years as a "tolerated" refugee in Germany, received a notice by the immigration office in Gifhorn about his upcoming deportation. The man could not stand that anymore and committed suicide.

At Tuesday, March 1st, the train ride between the train stations Hannover and Wolfsburg was delayed for many passengers. Not few of them may have been angry that again "such a weidro thrown himself in front of a train". Till this day the fewest of the passengers will know, with what a fate they have been involuntarily confronted:

A refugee, who lived in misery and who was faced with a future of even harder misery, took his life. Although the residents from the refugee's camp in Meinersen since longer warned the authorities that the man was at his limits and that he was ready for the most extreme measures. Yet the immigrants office in Gifhorn is not interested in what refugees are saying.

Because the situation in the camp are unbearable. In various open letters the refugees pointed to the desperate situation in the isolated camp and by the past year organised various protest actions. The refugees in Meinersen reject to submit any longer to the state-mandated racism and have self-organised themselves. They want to live - and that in human dignity.

After a meeting at February 12th with local people in solidarity to them, the group Karawane Hamburg, the anti-racist assembly from Hannover and Lower Saxony's refugee council, the refugees from the camp recently wrote the following:

1. Still families with children are brought into the camp - a Romanies family with babies was brought and soon after was deported.

2. There is no privacy, 4-6 people share one room. The caretaker and the camp's chief control our presence and report to the immigrant office, which continuously stresses us. 75 people share a restroom each with one for men and one for women. At February 12th two of three urinals were not working. There is one shower room for women, one for  men, one kitchenette at the 1st floor and one at the ground floor. We have no access to the washhouse. The caretaker and the camp's chief wash the refugees' private laundry, an examplary brick of the humiliating and disabling camp  system in the county of Gifhorn. The halls are narrow and the walls made of plaster board. There is not one single common room, not one playroom, schoolwork room or a common room for adults.

 "In the morning I wake up and urgently need to go to toilet. The caretaker just cleans the restroom. He doesn't let me in the room. My belly aches, there is no second restroom. I demand it. He tells me, 'you asshole' and 'you will be deported anyway'."

3. Many of us are living about six, eight or 10 years under those conditions in the camp. That is frozen life time. Nothing is allowed. It is not allowed to leave the county. Requests for permission get rejected. Requests for working permissions, even if an employers offer jobs, are refused. Education for the youth ends with the GCSEs without further possibilities. You get € 0-40 cash a month and each person are given a food coupon for € 125 or 112. Gifhorn is 15 km far away.

"Often we have to go to Gifhorn, not only to deal with the authorities or for doctor's visits. We have no tickets and no money. We are told, walk or it's your problem. Some of us have to go over a longer period, for several months, sometimes every third day for an interview in order to extend the exceptional leave to remain. In fact it's an interrogation, we aren't allowed to bring a witness, though it's our right. Everyone wonders, when will I break to pieces or explode." 

4. There are numerous harassment and different special treatments through the immigrant offices often also in co-operation with the welfare office. To mention them all would go beyond the scope of the letter. Generally all requests are handled with delay, always new explanatory statements are demanded from the petitioner and finally or afterward the requests are refused. The threat of deportation is mentioned over and over - especially for those, who protest and make it public. During the past demonstrations refugees got threaten by the immigrant authorities with cuts of the benefits and cash.

"The immigrant authorities causes a lot of trouble and later they don't allow us to visit a doctor to make a therapy. Do you see what I mean? Soon we ALL will end like the one, who completely lost it. Also he had a lot of stress with the immigrant authorities and wasn't allowed to make a therapy, therefore he lost it. Exactly the same the chief of the immigrant authorities, Mr Renders, wants to do with us. He wants that we also completely lose it and once end up in psychiatry or in prison."

We cannot leave unanswered the trivialized and relativistic statements by representatives from SPD, as they emerged after the visit in publicity.

Everyone may imagine for him/herself and his/her family a life under the above mentioned conditions.

We the refugees in the county Meinersen already experienced hard blows. We fled from our homeland, to seek for protection in Germany. In the county of Gifhorn we are defamed as cheater. We shall organize our deportation on our own. We  are from Northern Caucasus, Afghanistan, Iraq, Iran, Syria, Palestine, China, Armenia, Africa... We experienced persecution and fled to Germany, which itself argues for human rights. We are living here since many years now, and in our home countries the situation often strongly worsened. We experience how business is made with our deportation, by sending delegations that organize passports from the countries of our origin. Examples that became public are Guinea and currently Armenia, where Lower Saxony is strongly engaged. Also falsified information in order to receive papers became public, but we are attacked to be cheater. For example there exists the German deportation treaties with Syria. Again and again the deported refugees got arrested and abused there. Of course we fear deportation. Nevertheless, we insist on our right. We demand an assured residence in Germany!

Enough scope exists to abolish the destructive camp system in the county of Gifhorn, it only lacks of political will. In the meanwhile there are numerous of examples in Germany, where the camp detention was lifted. The camp in Meinersen is not a home for people and must be closed." 

At February 12th the assembly in Meinersen decided to held a protest in Gifhorn at March 24th 2011 in the scope of the nationwide decentralized 'Action day against camp isolation & racist special laws'.

Additionally the camp in Meinersen and the county of Gifhorn will play a special role in the future. Lower Saxony's Interior and Deportation Minister, Mr Schuenemann plans to close the camp in Blankenburg at Oldenburg. Since the refugees there for years struggle for the closure of the camp, it first sounds good. But for many of them that could mean the tranfer to other camps. Contrary to Mr Schuenemann's ideas to maximum exclude and isolate the refugees are the refugees' protests in Blankenburg and the solidarity they experience there, which lead to an announcement from the city council in Oldenburg. In contrast the county of Gifhorn offers an ideal place: there is a broad racist consencus.

That all and many more, what is not yet documented is the story behind that "again such a weirdo thrown himself in front of a train".

Break the racist consensus!
Close ALL camps!
Abolish racist special laws!


see also: (with English section)

Solidarity with the 300 Migrants Hunger Strikers in Greece

Greece: 98 Migrants Hospitalized During 39 Days of Hunger Strike from brandon jourdan on Vimeo.

announcement of the hunger strikers to society 4/3/2011

Μαρτίου 4, 2011
Announcement-response to the government’s proposal, after the meeting (of the immigrants-workers hunger strikers) with the ministers:
1. We hunger strikers, from the places of our strike in Athens and Thessaloniki and from hospitals, unanimously reject the government’s proposal for a regime of tolerance, because it does not respond to our claim for legalization with freedom of movement, work-based renewal and all other rights that legal immigrants have in Greece and Europe.
2. We reject the request of the minister of Health to transfer all Athens’ hunger strikers to hospitals due to weather conditions’ worsening. As we have done for 39 days with cold and floods, we continue the hunger strike in Hypatia building (Patission Ave, and Ipirou Str.), and of course those who are in critical condition will be transfered to hospitals under our doctors’s orders.
3. We stress once again that the nationwide hunger strike is our struggle, that we take the decisions on all issues, and we demand the lies and slander to be stopped.
The 300 hunger strikers in Athens and Thessaloniki, 4 March 2011

Critical moments for the 300 hunger strikers. Demo on March 4th, 18:00

Μαρτίου 4, 2011
Critical moments for the 300 migrants hunger strikers in Athens and Thessaloniki on their 38th day of hunger strike.
Read more »

Monday, February 28, 2011

(en) Mexico – Conspiracion Acrata, english edition – february 2010-2011

Numero de la revista mexicana “Conspiracion Acrata” en inglés
Insurrectionary and revolutionary anarchist publication
mexico city – mexico
english edition – february 2010-2011

El enlace es media fire es este:

NEWS for anarchist comrade Simos Seisidis. From the court, relating to incidents in Petras Theatre, Athens, in 2000 and the forensic report following his arrest, concerning his wounding from behind by a cop, and subsequent amputation of his leg.

On Friday 18 / 2 the trial started about the incidents in the Rage Against The Machine concert in theatre of Petras in the summer of 2000 in athens. It was interrupted, and was finalized on Friday 25 / 2. Simos was acquitted of all charges by a vote of 7- 0 to the line of the prosecutor's proposal.
He belonged to the group of
six anarchists whose names were given by the media and two police officers as ringleaders of the attacks. In the trials that followed the police retracted their statements, as happened now with one of the two cops that appeared in court. Like the other comrades before, so also for Simos, the charges were dropped.
He did not appear in court this time, sending a short text protesting against the way he was transferred, stating that it
is not fit for human or animal.
At the same time yesterday his lawyer finally received the forensic report ordered concerning his amputated leg nine months ago. The forensic report confirms our claims FULLY. Simos was shot from behind while running, once from the bottom up, which proves that the cop that shot him was crouching behind a car when the shooting took place. The amputation was the result of complications due to poly-traumatic injuries from machine gun fire (conclusion of the histological examination).
Remember, Simos is on remand on charges of attempted murder arising from that incident ...

solidarity actions  coming for comrade Simos Seisidis who is to be tried in 30 / 3 for the robbery of the National Bank in Solonos Street  in athens in January 2006 (Giannis Dimitrakis case ).

Simos Seisidis is an anarchist arrested on May 3d  2010 by cops in Athens. Simos has had a price on his head for a long time, accused of being a member of the so-called “robbers in black” (oi listes me ta maura) who were, allegedly, a group to which imprisoned anarchist Yiannis Dimitrakis also belonged to. 
On Friday, May 28th 2010 it was announced that his health condition worsened rapidly and that Simos had an emergency operation and had his leg amputated.



(extracts from two different texts, published in Anarchist Bulletin, no 7, September 2000)

Dozens of people arrested the night of "Rage Against the Machine" concert that took place in June, after riots outside the concert and clashes between groups of youth and the police forces. The police suffocated the area with use of tear-gas, but didn't manage to catch anyone. After the concert finished and about 8000 people started leaving, riot and security police ranged themselves out all the way, so that people had to pass through them. That's when they began making arrests, chosing who will they present as suspect. About 20 of the young people arrested, after beaten up in the Public Security (police hq), were taken to the public prosecutor and charged for felonies. They were temporarily released on bail and on terms, except from two of them, V. Panousis and K. Nikolaidis, who were judged as "especially dangerous" to be set free (also they are now released). The lack of any evidence was "covered" by "identifications" by the cops themselves. The real reason they chose them is their attitude towards the authorities and their police criminal record, rather than any proved relation with the riots.
The repressive operations and the machinations of state authorities continued against the anarchists. One day after the RATM concert, in June 15, the police announced that 6 more persons are wanted for participating in the riots, according to tesimonies of two cops who were supposed to have "identified" them. Not accidently, all the six of them are active anti-authoritarians and anarchists, known to the police as such. Among those six persons, there was comrade Simos SEISIDIS, a permanent target for the prosecutory authorities during the last years. He was arrested and released on terms and on bail as well as the other five comrades.
But Simos didn't stop being a target for the police machinations and very soon, in the 1st of August, as he was going to the police station to report himself according to the terms of his release, he was arrested again. This time for... bank robery, with the evidence that his fingerprint "was found in a plastic bag 500 metres from the bank" !
The police report mentions that "the robery that took place in ALPHA BANK, in the 29 of June, was commited by two unknown persons". Without presenting any other evidence, they continue their report saying that " Seisidis, born in Athens in 1976, has been arrested in the past, repeatedly, with charges of 'property destruction', 'arsons', 'posession of explosive bombs'."
So Simos, is going to prison for a robery "commited by two unknown persons", with the evidence of a fingerprint that the police "found" in a bag, and for being branded as anarchist.
We should remind that Simos had been arrested for first time in Feb. 1995, accused with three other persons for attempt to arson in a car for press distribution. He had then stayed two months in a prison for minors, and the police had taken the chance to blame him, while in prison, for three more arsons that were commited in 1994!

He was arrested again, along with 504 more persons, in 17th November 1995, after the police invaded the Polytechnic School which had been occupied as an act of solidarity with the prisoners' revolt in Koridalos and with anarchist prisoners who were then on hunger strike.


Sunday, February 27, 2011


On the 9th of March 2011 the urban justice is to judge in a public procedure my “case”. A “case” that was manufactured in the biological laboratories of GADA (central police headquarters in athens), but was not in any case a product of science fiction.
The political character of my prosecution can, I believe, be summarized in a abomination of the interrogative proposal, with which it was attempted to confirm the decision of my imprisonment. Immediately after the monotonous effort to support the sole, and this of minimal importance, evidence that the police brought as proof of guilt - a surgical mask with my DNA-, the interrogator continues as follows: “Testifying, anyway, the defendant, in his own phraseology, declares himself an anarchist, does not hide his subversive action, he includes himself in the anarchist movement, he considers himself a revolutionary and he wishes to reverse this world, being included in the daily struggle against the state and capitalism”.
The gravity that is taken by the word “anyway” in the oratory of the denouncing authority excellently reveals the content of the probative statements. It means the reliability of the preceded legal argumentation, which obviously is evaluated as incomplete and mobilizes in order to strengthen it and for it to gain entity and prestige by my ideological convictions and objectives, substantially my political DNA.
If this is, therefore, something that gives substance to the official charge, this is not the genetic material that was found on one of the scattered masks that were found in the area of Exarchia because of the riots of the previous days, but my political genetic material, my presence on that side of the barricade that defines my class position and conscience, against capitalistic sovereignty and the governmental terrorism.
Inevitably, the content of the upcoming trial on the 9th of March is defined also by this precise conflict of two hostile worlds, the world of sovereignty on one, and the resistance and revolt on the other. A conflict that in the particular field of my prosecution is represented by the direct juxtaposition of the henceforth totalitarian core of urban democracy, the police-juridical cluster, with me and the movement of solidarity to political prisoners.
Besides however the politics, the imminent trial is also a pilot: in my case what is tried substantially is the possibility of authority to neutralize the political opponents, manufacturing guilty people with only proof of evidence scientific results of the biological laboratories of GADA.
The up to now evidence of my prosecution are more or less known. Immediately after the failed attempt of the police and the electronic and printed office pushers to invest in my arrest for a felony offence with charges that aimed at my moral stigmatization (but also the blackout of the conditions of the severe wounding of fighter Simos Seisidis), the directing was taken over by the Antiterrorist cops, pulling out a forgotten case of a shooting against a riotcop van of the MAT in the summer of 2009 in Exarchia. With proof of evidence the identification of my genetic material that was taken illegally from my wallet with the genetic material that was found on a surgical mask that was collected in the area of the incident,  just a few minutes before I am let free, a warrant for my arrest is published and they order my detention. Only the script of the antiterrorist police beyond imaginative was also extremely amateur. Nowhere in the brief does it result that the mask – the only alleged evidence- belonged to the perpetrator of the shooter, while the body shape and the characteristics of the perpetrator that the eye witnesses and the police officers describe are in obvious contradiction to mine. As for the infamous genetic material, it never was clarified what kind and type it was, while a report of the police laboratories themselves were deliberately kept secret - which strengthens my main defense statement, according to which in the mask-evidence was also located genetic material of more individuals.
Substance to the script of the antiterrorist police pending someone else “that did not come”, as he himself admitted, was attempted to be given by the interrogator. With selective use of evidence of the brief and unacceptable procedural counterbalancing of the witnesses statements, the interrogator composes a reality adapted in the truth of the antiterrorist police and founds as proof the sole evidence of the abused procedurally and disputed scientifically DNA.
It appears, however, that the manufacturing did not satisfy the interrogator, that mobilizes finally the decisive argument in order to tie up the case: my as I confessed, he mentions,  subversive position and action. My political commitment was not, of course, unknown to the juridical authorities that obviously were not waiting for my statement in order to learn them. What needs however particular attention here, is that the political DNA of a defendant is presented henceforth in juridical proceedings as a powerful evidence of guilt, something that at least up to a while ago the authorities made sure to keep outside of their official rhetoric. The infamous governmental paperwork of the Police and the Antiterrorist police, which constituted for years the guide on the prosecutions and imprisonments of dozens of fighters, are surrounded henceforth with a legal force and are changed into a juridical official. In the new antiterrorist frame that was voted, a few months ago by the government of the memorandum, the prosecution of belief has become law. A new idiom, together with extraordinary juridical-police authorities, is from now on in force and opens the way for mass preregistering of fighters, political spaces and movements.
In the new era of repression, in the time of the IMF and the totalitarian war that the capital and state has declared on society, the prosecutions against the political enemies of the regime cannot be carried out anymore with the long gone and stiff methods of the in anyway shrunken urban democracy. The same moment that the IMF, the EU and their domestic representatives impose a regime of capitalistic economic totalitarianism, the same moment the cloak of democracy falls. Then the files of social beliefs open and the similar to post civil war constabulary scenarios “are tied up” with the cogent research of DNA in the laboratories of GADA. It is the moment where the stinky deliverance of domestic governmental repression meets the totalitarianism of the future.
The analysis, therefore, of my politician DNA acquires a fundamental importance to the reading of particular facts of my prosecution. Because what, in the end, the state aims for in this trial -as in the trials of other comrades that are coming up-, beyond even the actions that are attributed is the imaginative of the fight and the resistance that each one of us represents. The qualitative and quantitative evidence that are detected in my personal sample, are identified within the collective imprint that is left by the small and big moments of social class struggles of the last twenty years, composing with thousands more unique traces the mosaic of the revolutionary anticapitalist movement.
This way each political trial and at extension each struggle is also an exploration of our own history.
Since we are speaking of history therefore, the festive “end of History” that in the early 1990s was claimed for itself by the capitalistic globalization and aspired to express the domestic fabricated argument of modernization, was also the starting point of the formation of my own political matter, in other words, my own history. The school occupations of the warm winter of '90-'91, as an experience of rage, self-organized struggle, conflict and victory, were the motivational starting points and the reference points for dozens of teenagers from different areas of Athens that met in the streets of the center. In the social and political laboratory of Exarchia the adolescent rage was located, socialized and evolved into insurrectionist social and political action, without however stopping its playful dimension: the momentum, stubbornness, improvisation, companionship, friendship, left their own indelible traces so much on the form as well as in the content of political action. An action, that although geographically located, sought the thread of connection -and to a great degree  accomplished it- with almost all the clashes of the domestic and worldwide class-social struggle. From the insurrectionist attempt of the Polytechnic university in '95 to the barricades outside from the school exam centers the summer of '98 and the school mobilizations against the school reform law. From the warm reception of the “leader of the planet” Bill Clinton in November '99 and the demonstrations against the imperialistic wars, to the movement against the capitalistic globalization. From the local actions and assemblies in neighborhoods to the practices of direct action. From the assemblies of workers unions to the solidarity to immigrants. From the student mobilizations against the privatization of education, to the revolt of December 2008. And of course, as a steady value that runs through the total of the struggle: solidarity to the political prisoners and the underlining of the memory of comrades that left us during it.
This therefore political DNA, mine and that of all those who socialized politically in the same context and continue to define themselves through the fight for social freedom, is in the end   what essentially is being tried in this trial.
My arrest coincided one day after the subordination of the country to the IMF and the announcements from the Prime Minister of the first measures of harsh austerity. At the ceremony of deliverance of the last labour rights to capital, the speech about the “end of an era” and “turning a page” sounded coquettish again. But, sovereignty should be careful. Another “end of History”, twenty years before, was for many the starting point of crossing from the region of adolescent rage to subversive political action. Through the painful process of self-knowledge, self-criticism and maturity that accompanies each new and accumulated fighting experience, the new “end of an era” is the beginning of new conflicts, politically and militantly upgraded as is the nowadays explosive objective condition.

Aris Seirinidis
political prisoner
1st wing prisons of Koridallos

ofu translations actforfreedomnow!

Cañete: the courts acquit 17 Mapuche and condemn 4 for “assaulting the State’s Attorney”

February 22, 2011
The Tribunal of Cañete decided in favor of the 17 Mapuche accused of various felonies classified as terrorism and related to the theft of wood. Nonetheless, 4 of them were found guilty for the attack against State’s Attorney Mario Elgueta in October, 2008.
Excitement was in the air minutes after the decision of the Cañete Tribunal became known, with the acquittal of 14 Mapuche accused of illegal association and terrorist arson, and another three accused of being part of an organization for the theft of wood in the area of Tirúa.
The president of the Tribunal, Jorge Díaz, indicated that even if it were certain that the acts alleged by the Public Ministry did in fact occur and could be characterized as terrorism, they did not succeed through their evidence and testimonies to establish that the accused participated in the crimes, and therefore they were all absolved. As such, the secret witness used by prosecutor Andrés Cruz was discredited.
Of the 17 accused, only Héctor Llaitul, Ramón Llanquileo, Jonathan Huillical and José Huenuche were found guilty of the felonies “Robbery with Intimidation,” “Assault on Authority,” and “Attempted Homicide” against state’s attorney Mario Elgueta and three functionaries of the PDI (Investigative Police), however the tribunal classified these felonies as common rather than terrorist crimes.
What constituted the gravest setback for the prosecutor was the absolution of all 17 comuneros [Mapuche who live in the communities] for the felonies of theft of wood and arson targeting cabins [of tourists or the forestry company], principally in the area of lake Lleu Lleu, in the years 2005-2008.
Immediately, all the absolved comuneros, except those who have cases pending in other tribunals, walked out the door, after spending around 2 years in pretrial detention, and were reunited with their excited family members.
[during the prior two weeks, there have been multiple actions in the Mapuche territories, with an oil well being blockaded, a police eviction of reclaimed lands being repelled, an evicted territory reoccupied, and numerous new land reclamations, in both the Chilean and Argentinean parts of the occupied Mapuche territories—Wallmapu and Puelmapu]

Demo in solidarity with the imprisoned comrades of the “Bomb’s Case” on hunger strike.(chili)

Around 200 comrades came together to march in the street to the center of Santiago for the release of and in solidarity with all comrades in prison.
The comrades kidnapped on August 14th continue the 4th day of the hunger strike, with the clear intention to gain their freedom and end the political-judicial montage they continue to be subjected to, under which those who express solidarity for them are persecuted, watched, and taken hostage.
It has been said many times before, ideas and liberating practices are being persecuted here. Outside market value, solidarity is dissidence, which once implemented, is criminalized and demonized at any cost to the repressive apparatus of power, including the press.
Yesterday (2/25/11), during the march in solidarity with the prisoners, an obvious harassment attempt made by the police and undercover agents was exposed. They did not succeed in disguising themselves with the landscape nor amongst our comrades. They were there before, during, and after with their disgusting cameras and notebooks filled with writing. We saw ridiculous characters changing their clothing during the march, taking pictures, fleeing, filming from rooftops, and following us after the march had ended. If they know the ideas we harbor, it is not because of a good intelligence work, but because we have never been hidden nor silent, to the contrary we wish to propagate, to share, and to live here and now.
If we remember the trial of formalization that took our comrades to preventative prison, it is easy to see that the proof that is continued to be presented against them, is not different at all from the proof that they could videotape or write yesterday during the march, in which a group of people who had never met, with common ideas, joined in order to manifest and publicly practice these ideas. Our comrades have been kidnapped from squats and popular libraries, or independent media and neighborhood tv channels, every practice of liberty is rooted in multiple faces (many which are public) of dissidence against power-capital.
Democracy invites us to the point of the bullet, imprisonment, and terror to pay passage, to accept a terrible job and keep us sitting in our houses watching tv. Against this we counterpoise our own celebration, not always so happy, but never as bitter as the lethargy of submission. Comrades: if we fight we could lose, but if we don’t fight we are lost…
Stop the repressive raids! Our dreams are in the streets! Prisoners to the streets!
translated from

Solidarity Poster for Polykarpos Georgiadis and Vaggelis Chrisohoidis (greece)

did anyone speak of a
“…A handful of capitalists
have organized a criminal gang
and have kidnapped the proletarians,
demanding for ransom
their labor force,
merchandising their human activity,
their time (which is turned into money),
their own being itself…”
to vaggelis Chrisohoidis and Polykarpos Georgiadis
who the persecuting authorities, exactly because they denied to betray values and people,
accuse them as participators in the kidnapping of industrialist Milonas
anarchists from Serres from north-greece

Anarchists solidarity protest outside Korydallos prison, the main prison in Athens, at the time of the change of the year. This protest happens every New Year's Eve for the past six years. This year more than 400 people took part in the protest that interacted with the prisoners inside through shouting mutual slogans and fireworks. The main slogan was "The passion for freedom is stronger that your prisons".
Watch live streaming video from agitprop at

A society that punishes/the condition of incarceration/the prison of the mind/the prison as punishment/the rage of the damned will sound on the ruins of prisons/those denying obedience and misery of our era even within its hellholes/will dance together on the ruins of every last prison/with the flame of rebellion avenging whatever creates prisons.

To the prisoners struggle already counting one dead and thousands in hunger strike across greece, we stand in solidarity and anger until the destruction of every last prison.



Keny Arkana - La Rage English Subtitles

1976 - 2000 Greek Anarchists Fight for Freedom

(December Riots in Greece)