Saturday, January 29, 2011

Juan Aliste Vega: The Emotional Battle


20 01 2011
Like Marcelo Villarroel and Freddy Fuentevilla, Juan Aliste Vega is a former MAPU-Lautarista facing charges for the October 18, 2007 Security Bank robbery in Santiago, Chile during which Carabinero Corporal Luis Moyano was shot and killed.
From Hommodolars Contrainformación (January 5, 2011):
“Concentration camps and death camps were created with the deranged intention of destroying lives, mentally and physically.”
It seems like a quote from the past, from some black-and-white war. The standards of another era, disassociated from the exemplary social order of the present.
Democracy functions, and prison is one of the pillars that supports the state. It is the result of an unjust and fundamentally unequal system, the symbol and cruel reflection of a repressive model that crushes poor people, capturing them and locking them up to be controlled and exterminated.
Everything reeks of imprisonment. It’s not just the stench of prison itself, but also the streets, the stairways, the government buildings, the bus, the metro, high school, university, work, the hospitals—an entire model ingrained, legitimized, imposed.
It is now administered by the democracy of the rich, who are protected by a strategic discourse that criminalizes and stigmatizes poverty. The contemporary political scene is enthralled by crime and the profitable prison business. The repressive state, perpetuating the status quo that guarantees extreme poverty and extreme wealth, responds with more repression and more prisons, constructed and operated under private-sector contracts.
Thus, prison is a great deal, more profitable than state investment in housing or education. A prisoner is a safe economic investment and a rewarding political investment. Private-sector contracts make prosperous businessmen out of those who would profit from cruelty, from the lives of the poor, from the guarantee of a fixed nonrefundable payment for each prisoner locked up in their modern dungeons. In Chile, we prisoners are an abundant commodity for the hyenas of the business world.
Their Methods and the Emotional Battle
Isolation is a weapon of vengeance, inhuman and degrading. Its lethal effects are managed to perfection (medical and psychological experts have confirmed this). Maximum security is a prison within the prison, where the sinister game of emotions and sensations is considered won in advance, exerting maximum control over the possibilities of mind and body: It aims for the slow destruction of convictions, of ideas, of our rebelliousness and dreams, of our joys, our loves, our lives.
Isolation is the state’s vile method of applying the death penalty in disguise, a sentence that is carried out every time a prisoner dies. We can verify this with the crude, sad, secretly buried statistic of one dead prisoner per week in this country’s prisons.
Every death in prison is an unpunished crime whose inescapable responsibility is borne by the state, its government by the rich, and its apparatus of social control: a system that criminalizes the poor, thus generating lethal conditions.
An international summit on human rights held in the Netherlands in 2002 concluded that: “Isolation is one of the most extreme forms of repression, comparable to physical torture or murder. It is a means to destroy ideas in general and political ideas in particular, a white torture conceived to eliminate the prisoner.”
Cruel revenge also buttresses the penitentiary system’s application of isolation—vengeance by the machinery of domination against those who fight back, those who resist and reject submission.
Let’s now give skin and bone to what we’ve been describing with words and concepts. Let’s add body heat to what would otherwise be mere discourse.
I was imprisoned for 12 years, then controlled by the parole system for nearly six more years, until I went underground. After three years of clandestinity, I was captured in Argentina and extradited to Chile via an abduction reminiscent of the methods of Operation Condor. I am currently facing trial in both military and civilian court. I write these lines from confinement inside a special Maximum-Security Wing (MAS) of High-Security Prison (CAS). Here I remain locked up for 22 hours a day in a concrete-and-metal box measuring two meters by three, all white and artificially lit, with a toilet, a shower, and a radio.
I get one hour under the sky in a six-by-five-meter area that could hardly be called a yard, surrounded by massive concrete walls. I get two-and-a-half hours a week of face-to-face visitation time with a maximum of five people, family only. This takes place in a narrow basement hallway that leaks waste water from the first floor. I live on the ground floor of the complex, completely alone. Despite the existence of eight cells similar to mine, they have been kept empty since I got here. The hallway has four cameras, and I am under 24-hour guard, with three gendarmes dedicated exclusively to watching me in eight-hour shifts. I am searched each time I enter or leave the cell. Any letters or news must be authorized. Whether coming in or out, our letters of love, friendship, and affinity are scanned and stored. Any books I receive must be original (no photocopies, reproductions, or independent/pirate editions). All the utensils are plastic. The food is restricted to three fruits. The colors I use to sketch the images in my memory and imagination are limited to ivory, grays, and blacks. The stench is of decay and more decay.
Visitor searches are excessive and unregulated. Our affections, joys, tears, kisses, and loving caresses are observed and controlled by cameras and the open ears of the gendarme in the stinking hallway. Added to the isolation is the impossibility of making love to my partner, as this is the only prison in Chile that doesn’t have conjugal visits. Thus, they nullify our ability to love.  This maddening punishment is also extended to our children, since these spaces don’t even meet the minimum standards of dignity or hygiene for adults, much less children—our cherished children.
Now They’re Talking About Us
About the events of December 8:
National radio interrupts the hits. Television pauses the litany of Christmas market consumption, with its faces and tits.
The front pages of the newspapers carry no photos of the Copa Libertadores.
Now they’re talking about us, the poor, the marginalized. The Internet is overloaded with images. The world finds out there aren’t just miners in Chile, and we are among the top-three online search terms.
Now they’re talking about us, even in the name of god, and not just the one. There’s god the president, god the minister, god the specialist.
Now they’re talking about us, the poor, the maladjusted. Before the sun could even rise, the demented smiles of the jailers were consecrating their foul position in the service of the rich. Their cackling and their attitude were the fuel that fed the flames—the bloody inferno that incinerated the lives of 81 fathers, sons, brothers, and partners.
This time there was no big rescue. Eighty-one lives gone.
Now they’re talking about us, the poor, the prisoners of Chile.
—Juan Aliste Vega, Subversive imprisoned by the government of the rich

The Greek State tortures hunger strikers-open solidarity initiative-Thessaloniki

on Thursday, the 27th of January

-237 hunger strikers were terrorized by special police forces with bullet-proof vests and heavy weapons

-237 hunger strikers had to endure 9 hours of meaningless negotiations

-80 hunger strikers were left sleepless in a yard for a whole night in cold and rainy weather, 157 were amassed in the corridors of the first floor of a businessman’s mansion with no toilets or water
Thursday, January 27, 2011:

On Thursday, the 27th of January, the 237 migrant workers who were staying at an unheated, empty and unused part of the Faculty of Law at the University of Athens, still under restorative construction, were ordered to leave the place. They had started a hunger strike two days before, on Tuesday the 25th, demanding the legalization of all migrants in Greece, and had made the place of the hunger strike known days before beginning their fasting struggle, both to the University rector and the student union.

From 5pm onwards, dozens of special force police units blocked all access to the building of the Law School where the migrants were staying, with three consecutive rows of fully armed guards. Under Greek law, and due to a tradition of struggles, university premises enjoy ‘asylum’ and are off limits to police unless they are specifically invited by university authorities or when a serious crime is being committed.  Here, the serious crime was sleeping in a building site and risking one’s own life for the right everyone deserves – the right to be recognized as an existing person, to live and work like everybody else.

In other words, after an orgy of orchestrated media propaganda the day before, that disclosed the fact that the migrants are on a hunger strike and emphasized their illegal status, on Thursday the university asylum was abolished in order to address the serious crime of dignity. (The university rector obviously chose the side of the reactionary bloc of fascists, the media and the government.) Then the torture of the hunger strikers began. Two Attorney Generals escorted by police who had entered the Law School, told representatives of the hunger strikers that all strikers should leave immediately and be transferred in police vans to another private building designated by the government. While the hunger strikers felt deeply offended, and had not imagined that anyone would dare move them around in the condition they were in, they held firm to their terms for leaving the building: They asked for the riot police to let the gathered demonstrators approach the building, so that the strikers join the solidarity demo and lead it towards the new location.

It looks like the Greek police and politicians’ CIA training and seminars on exhausting the opponent are paying off. For nine hours the strikers were being threatened, they were offered lies, fake deals and promises the authorities kept breaking, a ‘negotiation technique’ that aimed at prolonging the process for as long as possible, so that the solidarity demo would disperse and the strikers become more disheartened. One hunger striker tried to kill himself by jumping off the building and was stopped by his comrades. The pressure was enormous, and most strikers did not know exactly what was going on.

The strikers were finally left to exit the Law School building with a solidarity group in the small hours of the night. Even after all this suffering, they carried their bags and blankets with their heads held high, and marched briskly the empty streets of Athens shouting slogans of victory. The sleepless migrants were taken to some mansion, owned by a businessman who is a friend of the minister of education and other MPs. All eight rooms of the mansion were locked. The heating was off and the building was freezing. The toilets were inoperative and filled with luxury furniture that had been removed from the corridors. There was no water. Around half of the hunger strikers were allowed to lie on the floor of the corridors and the rest were left outside on the lawn in front of the building. At 6 o’clock in the morning of a particularly cold day, it started raining. 80 hunger strikers that had been left outside to rest under the winter sky, were transferred, by a small solidarity group that was staying with them for protection, to a social centre nearby.
on Thursday, the 27th of January
-237 hunger strikers were terrorized by special police forces with bullet-proof vests and heavy weapons
-237 hunger strikers had to endure 9 hours of meaningless negotiations
-80 hunger strikers were left sleepless in a yard for a whole night in cold and rainy weather, 157 were amassed in the corridors of the first floor of a businessman’s mansion with no toilets or water
The actions of the Greek government and police, with the help of the media, transgressed every moral law. They showed no respect to the university asylum, but, most importantly,  they showed no respect to the sacred figure of the hunger striker, who, in claiming life and dignity, only has his  own life and dignity to offer.

Emergency Solidarity Demo for the Thessaloniki 4

Emergency Solidarity Demo for the Thessaloniki 4 // 11am Saturday Jan 29th* // Greek Tourist Office, Central London
Greek tourist offices, 4 conduit st ( off regent st ), w1s 2dj Location of demo
The saga of the trial currently taking place in Thessaloniki, Greece continues with a judgement on the four now due on Monday January 31st. It was always clear that the trial and the repression which preceded was motivated and directed at the highest levels of the Greek State.
We do not think that justice is a value known to the courts, especially when the police have taken upon themselves to enforce the repression of the political establishments and continue to perpetrate lies to ensure convictions.
This Monday, January 31st, will see Simon’s lawyer give his final summary to the courts after which the Judges and Jury will retire to consider a decision.
We call on all comrades, sympathisers and freedom-lovers to show their solidarity with the four defendants
Solidarity to Simon Chapman, Suleiman “Kastro” Dakdouk , Michaelis Triakapis and Fernando Perez Gorraiz
We are with you all!
Everyone to the Streets!
+++ Spread the Word +++Text this message to your friends:
“Emergency solidarity demo for the thessaloniki four, 11am Saturday Jan 29th at the greek tourist offices, 4 conduit st ( off regent st ), w1s 2dj – pass it on”
Tweet using #solidarity and/or #demo2011
+++ Latest Updates +++Latest Updates:
+++ Donate +++Donate to the solidarity fund:
*Saturday January 29th is also the date for the next big anti-austerity demonstrations which starts from 12noon at ULU, malet street.
We hope those travelling to the demo will come early to attend the solidarity demo before hand. Please spread the word and let people
know they can do both.

Chilean Embassy receives Explosive Anarchist Letters (Mexico)

On the 23 January 2010 the Chilean Embassy in Mexico received two explosive letter devices which were immediately noticed by Embassy civil servants, who then alerted the Secretariat of Mexican Public Security. The building was evacuated and 24 hours later Mexican police confirmed that the packets contained explosives and threats against the ambassador of Chile in Mexico – Germán Guerrero Pavez. The devices were neutralized.
Autonomous Cells of the Immediate Revolution – Praxedis G. Guerrerro took responsibility for this latest attack against the Chilean State through an internet message.
This incident has been ‘quietened down’ by the Chilean and Mexican governments, international media plus European authorities, who are not willing to give the “oxygen of publicity” to this latest attack on the global media-stage, during the precarious trial of the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire, after the December letter-bombs against various States, which hit international media headlines, prompting the Italian Informal Anarchist Federation to respond with two explosive parcels for the Chilean and Swiss embassies in Rome. Growing insurrectional tendancies will not be censored out of the media, nor will the attacks end. Anarchism will only spread, become more developed and will overcome the institutions of hierarchy and finance.
The action was dedicated to the prisoners of the Chilean State who are fighting for their dignity and freedom, the indigenous people of the Mapuche, who are fighting for their land and self-determination, as well as dedicated to the Revolutionary Organisations Conspiracy of Cells of Fire and Revolutionary Struggle in Greece. Anarchist prisoner Gabriel Pombo da Silva also gets a mention, with a quote from him ending the final section: “Siempre con l@s rebeldes!!!!”
Download the Communique (PDF / Spanish Language)
More information:
Communique from Conspiracy of Cells of Fire – Call for an Informal Anarchist Federation – International Network

DAVOS, Switzerland - small explosion and heating sabotaged at a hotel during the Davos world economic forum (WEF)

Thursday, 27 January 2011


Swiss police have launched an investigation after a small explosion in a hotel store room during the Davos world economic forum (WEF).
The blast shattered two windows but caused no injuries at the Post Hotel Morosani shortly after 0900 (0800 GMT), police told the Associated Press.
Police could not say immediately what was the source of the explosion.
According to Swiss media, anti-WEF activists say they attacked the hotel with a firework device.
The Post Hotel Morosani is just over 1.5km (one mile) from the annual forum's venue.
With 2,500 political and business leaders attending the summit, security in the small Swiss resort has been tight.
A WEF-related lunch focusing on organised crime, called "Criminals Without Borders" was scheduled at the hotel at noon, with speakers including Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos and Robert Wainwright, director of Europol, AP notes.
'Feel the chill'
Swiss news website received an e-mail from "anti-WEF activists" claiming the attack on the Post Hotel Morosani.
The Post Hotel, the site reports, is being used by Swiss bankers during the forum, correcting an earlier report that the Swiss government was using the hotel.
The e-mail says that fireworks were timed to go off in the hotel at 0600 (0500 GMT), when no staff would be around, but it appears that they went off three hours late.
According to the statement received by, heating oil in the hotel was also sabotaged by having sugar added "so that [Swiss] federal officials and bankers get to feel the mountain chill too".
Anonymous anti-capitalist flyers circulated at a demonstration last week in the north-eastern Swiss town of St Gallen urged activists to "Smash [the] WEF".
"Let us fight together against the unbearable propaganda of capitalism," the flyers read.

Noise-bombs and threats in Santiago (Chile)


On the 21 January 2010, the Insurrectional Cell for Total Liberation took responsibility for detonating loud noise-bombs against the Foreign Ministry and the Police headquarters in the centre of Santiago, capital of Chile
The same group claimed for sending bomb-threats to the ambassador of the Greek state in Chile, Chrysoula Karykopoulou. This was done in solidarity with the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire on trial in Athens, Braulio Duran & Adrian Magdaleno (prisoners of the Mexican State*), and the comrades arrested in Chile for the “Caso Bombas”/’Bombs Case’.

*See BiteBack Mexican prisoners

Cairo, Egypt - protesters seize the streets of the capital, battling police with stones and firebombs



28 Jan 2011 - CAIRO – Chaos engulfed Egypt Friday as protesters seized the streets of the capital, battling police with stones and firebombs, burning down the ruling party headquarters, and defying a night curfew enforced by a military deployment. It was the peak of unrest posing the most dire threat to President Hosni Mubarak in his three decades of authoritarian rule.
The government's attempts to suppress demonstrations appeared to be swiftly eroding support from the U.S. — suddenly forced to choose between its most important Arab ally and a democratic uprising demanding his ouster. Washington threatened to reduce a $1.5 billion program of foreign aid if Mubarak escalated the use of force.
The protesters were sure to be emboldened by their success in bringing tens of thousands to the streets in defiance of a ban, a large police force, countless canisters of tear gas, and even a nighttime curfew enforced by the first military deployment of the crisis.
Flames rose in cities across Egypt as police cars burned and protesters set the ruling party headquarters in Cairo ablaze. Hundreds of young men tore televisions, fans and stereo equipment from other buildings of the National Democratic Party neighboring the Egyptian Museum, home of King Tutankhamun's treasures and one of the country's most popular tourist attractions.
Young men could be seen forming a human barricade in front of the museum to protect it.
Others around the city looted banks, smashed cars, tore down street signs and pelted armored riot police vehicles with paving stones torn from roadways.
"We are the ones who will bring change," said 21-year-old Ahmed Sharif. "If we do nothing, things will get worse. Change must come!" he screamed through a surgical mask he wore to ward off the tear gas.

Friday, January 28, 2011

ITALIAN CONSULATE squat - Friday January 28 solidarity to the Italian anarchist comrade Tonino south greece patras

This morning at 10.30  about 40 anarchists  takeover of the Italian consulate in German street in Patras in solidarity with the 

Italian anarchist comrade Tonino prosecuted for the incidents that occurred with the fascists May 1, 2010 in Naples. The 

comrade was in prison until December 21/2010  and there after is under house arrest until his trial on February 2.
The occupatioon lasted more than half an hour, sent faxes and flyers and text were given out  to the pepole!



more info from /


Thursday, January 27, 2011

Communique for the 12-13 January arson barrage in Thessaloniki Greece

by K-K translation collective

Responsibility Communique-Thessaloniki


Today more than ever, the fortification of Power and it's attack against the internal enemy becomes an urgent necessity. Under the fear of the oncoming rebellions and the dynamics that have been developed , mainly in the latest years, the Dominance has to protect it's interests and will do it.
So, we 'r leaving in an unprecedented upsurge of repression and control. Their mechanisms of chasing the enemy are being enforced and enriched in both human and technical level, while their legal arsenal expands and becomes more flexible. The new 'anti-terror' law that states thinking as a crime, the super 'bugs' that enter into the depth of personal communication, the thousands recruitments of cops that go up and down the streets are only some of the examples that compose what the power wants to communicate, that it is here and it is everywhere. The power speaks, before to forbid but also imposes itself where the precaution measures don't achieve to prevent the armed consciences that fight it.
Democracy strikes back and takes revenge, has dungeons and prisoners of war. Prisoners that sends around like the wild animals in a cage, having before taken care to deplore by any means their dignity, pieces of their own lives and finally hushed up the depth of their choices, that are not other than the actual opposition against everything that hostiles our own lives.
Of course, in this game, the Power has allies, like the pitiful entourage of the journalists. We never had a doubt about the hypocrisy behind their democratic mask, nor for the pretended polyphony that they invoke. Plus, we 'r not surprised from their upgrade to a vanguard of repression in its most paranoid and delirious version. They were, they are and they will be a para-shop of the police and the anti terror unit.


The dominance, as a privileged and main user of massive terror, knows very well that the projection of strength, the fear that it blows into the people, is much more important than the strength itself. The feeling of weakness and vanity of any kind of struggle is much more efficient than any army of cops and every super hitech system of surveillance. It leads to withdrawal and silence. To the consolidation of fear. Fear is cultivated by the power, but it blooms inside us. It has imbued the human existence to the bone and corroded all social relations. Both in the level of social groups to each other and against the dominant ethics, but as well in an individualized level. Fear corrupts the relation between people and condemns them to rot into misery and boredom. But it mainly stops the creation of true relationships. Relationships of solidarity, relationships subversive and dangerous.


The evolution of the revolutionary plan is impossible if we 'r not in a constant search for understanding the social process, thus searching allies and spotting the enemies. We do not consider society as one whole body, generally victimized, submitted or possibly revolutionary. Social relations form a multiplex field, that cannot be interpretated through the ethics of right or wrong, the victim or the immolator, the Good or the Evil. In them, we watch manifestations of the power itself, deeply rooted and expanded to a point that they 're not visible enough. On the other side, we watch transcendental insurrectionist behaviors and revolutionary consciences to emerge out of this field, ready to look life straight into the eyes...This multiplex mosaic of controversies consists the 'area' where the revolutionary war is taking place.


The 'objective conditions' seem to us very abstract and we won't remain act-less waiting for them to be 'mature'. We don't set longterm targets and we won't speak about a pre-revolutionary period nor for a post-revolutionary society. On the one side because we don't see revolution as one event that takes place in a very particular space and time, but as a continuous evolving process with constantly changing characteristics. On the other side, because we think that the political systems, of any ideological-theoretical gasket, by the time they will have institutionalized themselves as such, they will already be obsolete, and thus, hostile to us.
On the contrary, we propose organization right now. The collectivization of denials through the actual application of our propositions (proposals). The creation of belligerent structures and infrastructures in present tense, that will set in constant motion the revolutionary process of destruction and creation. For the birth of true relations and comradely bonds, through the expereice of attack and actual solidarity.


The existing reality forms a war zone with thpusand explored and unexplored aspects, We spot the enemy in the diffused plexus of roles, relations and behaviors. In the mechanisms of repression, the dominant ethics and the blackmale of waged slavery. In the small daily contracts inside us. We reject the partial struggles as condemned to failure. Desiring to touch the wholeness we consider necessary the total multiform attack. We consider attack as the conscious break from the enemy by any means that it may be expressed. As an integral piece of the very existence of every revolutionary, We don't think that exist generally revolutionary or reformist practices and means. Every act is given a sense from the motives and targetings of the subject that executes it. Armed, can be only the consciences. The hand will always be holding just a tool.


The guerrilla methods are not something that we drag from history's time-closet. They are practices that are being used, with various characteristics by the revolutionaries in every corner of the planet. The tactics of surprise, the choice of the place and time where the action becomes true is maybe the only -in current conditions- that has the ability to hit the infrastructures and the enemy's staff. We target to sabot the state-capitalist infrastructures as well as to terrorize our enemies, pose a personal threat. We want to make them clear, as clear it is for us, that war happens always with two sides and we, having chosen side, we make the step. In front of the monster of capitalism that rips the human life and dignity, we choose to arm thought, conscience and action.


  From the mounts of Mexico and the highlands of Andes to the bomb attacks in Chile and the arsons in Belgium there are people decided not to put the head down. The struggle for freedom is their own life, not something out and over it.
  The knowledge that in the edge of the world exist people that live and die for the same or close reasons, with the same or similar means, and thus, they possibly share the same or similar feelings, thoughts, fears and dreams with us, is something more than relieving. It is what pushes us to keep on even at the hardest times, fills us with strength and gives us the hope that in the end we 'll win. If we haven't won yet is partially due to the fact that we 're not yet a community, not even a network.
  The solid mere academic knowledge is extremely useful in never-ending discussions accompanied with cheap wine. If, however, it doesn't transform into conscience it remains a harmless chatter. And conscience comes exclusively through experience.
   Now, more than ever before, exists the necessity for continuation of the struggle by every member of the community. Learning what happens throughout the earth to be a motive, a signal from the worldwide revolutionaries that the warfare is still on. Not just to contribute in a simple update. But to be the point where every revolutionary will recognize him/herself as part of this network and will pass into attack. What would happen, if, for every strike that a member of the community would take, there would be launched international campaigns of anti-information concerning the incident and the revolutionaries all over the world passed into action, forcing the officials of every country not to be able to find a place to hide? This is internationalist solidarity and like this the borders brake.
   We perceive solidarity as a dynamic, bilateral and multilevel relationship. Bilateral because it consists of two or more parts that have to experience it equally, breaking the miserable custom of the transmitter and the receiver, the ones that 'makes' solidarity and the one that 'receives' it. Multilevel because the level of its validity depends on how common are the targets, the desires the agonies of those that have it. And dynamic because it always wants to evolve, to find imaginative ways to take flesh and bones.
   We think as necessary, for the evolution of the revolutionary plan, the actual application of the proposal for international networking. The creation of a horizontal, diffused and continuously evolving network. A tool of open communication and dialog, as well as a transmitter of ideas and practices among the revolutionaries. So, we include these attacks of ours within the frame of the call for solidarity with the members of the Conspiracy of the Fire Cells on trial, but as well within the formation of an informal anarchist federation based on the proposal of F.A.I. that the Conspiracy of the Fire Cells set in motion again.

On 12 and 13 January we proceeded in a barrage of attacks in the city of Thessaloniki, sending fire signals to our comrades. Thus, we hit:

On the noon of 12 January:
-The office of the journalist and parliament member with LA.O.S. Angelos Kolokotronis. A price from us to him, for his 35 years of serving as chief editor in big newspapers like our well known Snitch-donia (Makedonia) and in many other para-information media, as well as for his extreme right wing beliefs.
-The offices of the Union of retired police officers in Promitheos str.

On the night of 13 January
-2 car vehicles belonging to cops in the region of Peraia.
-A car belonging to the diplomatic corps in Ano Toumpa region.

SOLIDARITY with the urban guerrilla fighters GERASIMOS TSAKALOS-PANAGIOTIS ARGIROU- HARIS HADJIMICHELAKIS, members of the R.O. Conspiracy of the Fire Cells and with all those tried for this case.


We never forget our insubordinate brothers DIMITRIS DIMTSIADIS-HARALAMBOS TSILIANIDIS-DIMITRIS FESSAS-SOKRATIS TZIFKAS-GIANNIS SKOULOUDIS and we would like to remind them that the bet of destruction and creation is still on.

informal anarchist federation- Cell of Revolutionary Solidarity

Letter of Olivier in jail on remand in Paris since the 14/01

Summarized: "No freedom for the enemies of power," they tell us.
We say "no peace for the enemies of freedom."


Prison La Santé
We are not in jail for graffities

We have been arrested in the street, in the Belleville district, by the BAC (brigade against criminality). Two patrols were turning knowing what they were looking for. In a bag, the cops found a spray and our fingers were a bit too dark for their taste. Our passage to the police station was not long, just enough for the cops to get out all their outfit of old tricks, less to force us to talk than to pressure. In the afternoon of 13, those of the SAT-Criminal Brigade (anti-terrorist section of the criminal brigade) pick us up, smiling. Therefore it is quite clear that the graffities will be only one insignificant detail, a pretext to bring us down
"Too bad, you had subsided, we went away with all that, but now you've relauch everything ." Some attempts to auditions for the form. Before that, houses searches to update their publication archives, to put a little mess. In offices, beamed notes inform us of complaints by the Red Cross.
We quickly fixed. Already in the police station of the twentieth district the cops were talking to a special meeting among them after a call from 36 Quai des Orfevres about the degradation of several locals of Red Cross in Paris, the night of January 11 to 12 . Other graffities targeted the house of Justice and Law, in the tenth district. Anti-Terrorist Section on their teeth for graffities? There is something wrong there. The night of our arrest, graffities have benn spraid with messages of solidarity with the revolt these recents weeks in Tunisia, Algeria, against the state, whether democratic or dictatorial. So asked us question about this, but also graffities the night before, claiming that the subject would be the same (it's true that very few people show their hostility to the state ...) and that expressions like "death to the State" have been found in both cases
Beyond these specific facts, they blame us for the continuity of polical activities, our participation in fights, and thus complicity links and friendship forged during these struggles. In this context, the prison to punish a violation of judicial control which forbade , for two of us, to see and communicate clearly intended to destroy all forms of struggle and organization, beyond the informal democratic framework and its social control.
The criminal conspiracy as a charge, even if it's not formally mentioned in our case remains the obsession of those who seize on any fact, even as "trivial" as graffities, smoke bombs, posters to fit them into the mold "anarcho-autonomous" A good building practice, for each separate force, terrorizing the others, taking apart possibly the "leaders" of the "supporters", "theorists" and "Billposters" "pickers" and "performers" writ in authoritarian and hierarchical model is that of society as we're fighting, and that disgusts us in every way. This kind of pressure surges, in time where some struggles against detention centers and all forms of confinement, for example, seems to be marking time, act as a "precautionary principle" to nip in the bud any attempt
of conflict against what dominates us. The regular complaints from the Red Cross participate fully in this cops's offensive, not losing an opportunity to collaborate with them. Hand in hand for the management of prisons, hand in hand in the suppression of anti-authoritarian struggles. A little paint for these humanitarian with red hands, it's not a heavy price to pay ...
Beyond the particular practices and means used in the fight (since both are mentioned fires, destruction targeted, degradation simple, collectives occupations...) it's the struggle itself and what it is in terms of desires and perspectives (a world without exploitation, without money, without prisons, without a state) that wants to stifle. This is anything but the consequence of a state, or "emergency laws".
Freedom and democracy have nothing to do together. It must be quite a liar for saying the opposite. What piss them of is that our rage, our revolt and our struggles have nothing to claim, to concede nothing, nothing to deny, nothing to beg. We leave all that happy to the professional and opportunistic politics. Similarly, our friendships, our affinities are not negotiable. The freedom we want is unconditional.
A slogan of the revolt in Kabylia said:
"You can not kill us, we're already dead."
The State may also fuck us in jail, but the existing social relations already lock us up.
One thing that we do not forget: we have only one life.
Summarized: "No freedom for the enemies of power," they tell us.
We say "no peace for the enemies of freedom."

A communique about the arrests in France and the solidarity to the revolt in Maghreb- a definition of Liberty among different revolts. CLIK TO READ....

Riot police encircle the Law School in Athens in apparent preparation for a raid as migrant hunger strikers vow to stay

At this moment (17.45 GMT+2) heavy riot police forces have encircled the Law School building in Athens, immediately after the decision by the 300 migrants in hunger strike to stay in the building. The migrants’ assembly decided they would stay despite the demand by university authorities and the government that they move out. The assembly justified the decision based on the fact that the building used by the migrants is unused by the university (under construction) and that the building proposed for the transfer does not meet basic huigenic conditions and also it would be guarded by police forces that wouldn’t let people in solidarity to help the hunger strikers!
It is very likely that the riot police will now attempt to violate the academic asylum and raid the Law School.

constant updates:

Letter from the defendants about Conspiracy of Cells of Fire Case.

On Monday 24/1, the matters that we placed before the court regarding the non retaining and registering of the identification of those who arrive in the courtroom and the tape recording of the trial proceedings, the first of which is the most important for us, were examined. As we had decided and publicly announced in the case of the court not accepting our demands, we withdrew and revoked our lawyers.

What happened in the courtroom is better known to those who were inside, friends, comrades and relatives. We will present the facts as we experienced them unfolding from our point of view. While we were in the holding room we heard the voices and chants of the people, which gave us strength and courage. At some point we realized that the president of the special court had ordered the removal and detention of certain comrades and relatives from the hearing. Intense shouting followed and we realized that there were clashes with the cops in the courtroom, which we were separated from by an iron door. Wanting to approach it in order to help our relatives and comrades in some way, we headed in that direction.
At the last moment the cops from the escort closed the door on us and a fierce body to body clash followed with about 20 of them. Although they outnumbered us, their use of batons became essential in order to make the clash equal. The clash lasted roughly 10 minutes and, even though they put handcuffs on some of us, we continued to fight chained up while the cops hit us furiously.
Perhaps they dealt many blows but we responded with the same and more, showing them that some prisoners are not easy prey to their fake macho posturing. Now, regarding the statement concerning an organized escape attempt it is ridiculous to say the least since the space in which we were directed - behind the courtroom- leads to the prison courtyard and at the time of the trial it was full of squads of riot cops and special forces.

We declare, finally, that we stand firm in our demand that the comrades and those attending the trial in solidarity not be registered. The isolation of the accused in political trials reflects the disposition to penalize comradely relations and the demeaning of the political subjects that participate in them. For us solidarity is an essential and nodal matter. We do not tolerate the direct attack of the court on the solidarity movement. We will not be the ones to legitimise this decision of theirs. As a first move we have begun the refusal of prison food, while at the same time none of us will participate in the trial until our demands have been met.

We do not tolerate the mockery of the president of the court who, despite at first agreeing to the free attendance of people, later, following the command of her political superiors, reversed the decision, indisputably proving her role as a puppet of the anti-terrorist staff.
We are asking for the obvious and their refusal shows the disposition of the special court. We will not attend the trial until each comrade and those in solidarity can enter without the fear of be filed. In the event that the trial starts without us and our lawyers, with the only participants being cops and appointed lawyers, we will begin a hunger strike from the day that the trial begins again.
In order for us to return to the courtroom we demand free access to anyone that wants to follow the trial, by simply showing their identity card and without any recording of their information. We also recommend that all the appointed lawyers refuse to participate in this fascist procedure where we are deprived of a voice and opinion. Such a thing is undignified for them, to say the least, and it would be good that they do not attempt “to take the snake out of the hole”. (Greek saying meaning to be the one that solves the problem)

To end up, we return our solidarity from our hearts to all the comrades from Greece and abroad, who with their words and action give us strength to carry on the struggle.



Haris Hadjimihelakis,
Giorgos Karagiannidis,
Alexandros Mitrousias,
Panagiotis Masouras,
Panagiotis Argirou, 

boubourAs translate actforfreedomnow! 

2 letter from the Imprisoned Comrade Christos Politis

Stylianos Glykofrydis must have been a really prominent man during time he served as director and general supervisor of prisons. He had been calling for the government to fight against communism "directly or indirectly imitating the acts of Hitler" when in 1936 he proposed that Communists awaiting trial have their visiting and excercise period limited (to avoid contact with other prisoners "that lead to well-known and undesired consequences").
The thoughts, perception and proposals of Stylianos Glykofridis have certainly not been left untapped by the modern state.

  After our kidnapping, that of myself and Kostas Barlis', from Exarcheia on the 4th of January, we get taken to the offices of the antiterrorist unit. While my comrade was set free, after 48 hours they announced my arrest. At the same time, the chief of the Greek Police cynically states that I was arrested "because I was set free in the appeals court case".

Namely a case for which I was called and examined by the 8th regular investigating judge and was released following her decision. The truth is that they are interested in keeping me as a hostage precisely because I am an anarchist.
 Because for the past 15 years I have been active in this radical political area. In my case, it is not simply an attempt at upgrading but also the development of the repressive method of criminalizing relations of friendship and comradeship, which dozens of fighters have experienced lately.
 In my case, the antiterrorist unit has constructed relationships that do not exist in reality as I do not even know my co-defendants personally.
 After being put on remand, while masked antiterrorist units were talking with the investigating judge more often than my lawyers, I was taken to Grevena prison, a C Type detention establishment. Despite the fact that, according to the penal code, "In C Type prisoners are held without communication with prisoners of other categories, prisoners serving life sentences or at least ten years' imprisonment and are considered particularly dangerous for smooth co-existence in other types of prisons".

 An isolated prison, with law buildings and high walls in order to cut anything from the surrounding area from view, with cameras and electronic security systems everywhere. A static and stony construction that wants to deprive any exoteric stimulus, to flatten your personality, to destroy you mentally. Obviously, following orders they put me in a "security" sector, without that having been asked for me, without anyone being threatened and despite my continual application to get out of here. The result of this deliberate persistence is to impose on me an aberrational status quo of absolute isolation, trying to - up to a point - erase my request for my transfer to Korydallos prison.

  The economic policy definitely includes a new "quality" of state repression as a supplement. Today now that capitalism cannot hide its real face, social consensus can only be reached through violence. Through the courts' decision that judges the workers' strikes illegal, through water cannons, threats for levy en masse, through tear-gas, through "antiterrorist" operations. Through calls for self-control and through the screaming of the journalists. Only through these methods and these methods alone, will the Greek state become a successful experiment, turning the country into a region of fortress Europe and making it an economic paradise for the bosses.

 With a population kept holding on, waiting for someone to come and save them and the people who are considered left-overs crowding in front of prison food or inside the prisons. Already, from the beginning of the 70's, the " anti -terrorist" policy has overcome the traditional anticommunist one. It has become the answer coming straight from the status quo, into the repression of an enemy who was present everywhere, diffused, flexible and not specific and static like the formal Communistic Parties or the Soviet Army in Eastern Europe. Already, the new enemy has been found among the dynamic and polymorphic movements, among the proletarian areas that do not get homogenized, among the urban guerilla. So today, when more and more actions and political practices are the target of the Counter Authority for Crimes of Special Violence, the "antiterrorism" for the Authorities is something to be commanded in order to keep the people's rage caged within the limits of a claimed realism and conformism.
 That's the reason for the persecutions with doubtful DNA samples, for the cascade of upgrades on the "terror-law", of the "wanted" calls, of the special offences against comrade and social relationships, of the continued surveillance, of the hundreds of fighting persons who are judicial hostages and the dozens of persons who are kept inside the prisons, of the mass media propaganda that talks about "terrorists" and "co-transporting vessels". All these, in order to lend fake meanings to words, to isolate and finally smash the internal enemy. To smash all these people who stir up class hatred and escalate national division, all those who boost solidarity, self-organized action and clash with the status quo.

  The wager for us at this time is, more urgently than ever, to determine the line of history. Because Capitalism, its total poverty and misery that are imposed, is not a one-way direction.

Christos Politis
Grevena closed  prison
8th January 2011

Tuesday, January 25, 2011

(en/fr) Gand – Anarchist in front of court for attacks against police stations

This Wednesday 26 of January, an anarchist comrade from Ghent will be on trail for attacks against police stations which took place in the night of 9 to 10 of May 2010.

That night was a night of modest, but passionate acts of resistance: the windows of the police station of Gentbrugge smashed, tags left on the police station, on the building of the socialist syndicate, on banks and a incendiary attack against another policestation in Meulestede.

That night, 30 min after the facts, a comrade was arrested by a police patrol. 
She was taken to the police station and interrogated, but she refused to answer any question.
Next day, police did two house searches and took anarchist pamphlets and books, posters and her computer. A few hours later, our comrade was released.
This Wednesday will take place her proces. She is incriminated for the tags and the smashing of the windows of the police station.

HERE is that new translated into spanish:

""El miércoles 26 de enero una compañera anarquista de Ghent(Bèlgica) se
irá a juicio por los ataques a una estación policial, los cuales tuvieron
lugar la noche del 9 al 10 de mayo del 2010.

Aquella fue una noche de modestos, pero apasionados actos de resistencia:
destrozadas las ventanas y rayados dejados en la estación policial de
Gentbrugge, más los rayados en el edificio de el sindicato socialista, en
bancos y un ataque incendiario contra otra estacion policial en Meulested.
30 minutos despues de estos hechos, esa noche fue detenida una compañera
por una patrulla policial. Fué llevada a la estacion policial e
interrogada, pero se negó a responder las preguntas. Al día siguiente, la
policía llevó a cabo dos allanamientos y se llevo libros y panfletos
anarquistas, posters y su computador. Despues de estar 17 horas detenidas,
nuestra compañera fue liberada.

Este miércoles (Hoy 26 de Enero) tendrá lugar su procesamiento. Se le
acusa de los rayados y el destrozo de las ventanas de la estacion

( A ) 

To read the communiqué by comrades from Ghent in French

Procès d’une compagnonne anarchiste de Gand, accusée d’attaque contre un commissariat de police.
Ce mercredi 26 janvier à 9h au palais de Justice à Gand: Opgeëistenlaan 401, Gand
A Gand, la nuit de 9 à 10 mai a été une nuit d’actes de résistance modestes, mais passionés : les vitres du commissariat de Gentbrugge ont été cassées, des tags laissés sur ce commissariat, sur le bâtiment Moyson du syndicat socialiste et sur des banques ainsi qu’une attaque incendiaire contre le commissariat de Meulestede. Dans le quartier de Dampoort, à 4 kilomètres du commissariat de Gentbrugge et plus d’une demi-heure après les faits, un patrouille de police a remarquée la présence d’une personne et l’a arrêtée.
La personne en question est connu comme étant anarchiste et squatteur. Malgré l’absence de preuves, la « procédure standard » : contrôle (empreintes digitales, photos), humiliations, vexations (comme par exemple les pneus dégonflés du vélo de notre compagnonne). La compagnonne a refusé de faire une déclaration. Le lendemain, deux perquisitions ont eu lieu : chez les parents de la compagnonne et dans sa chambre d’étudiant. Après 17 heures, la compagnonne a été finalement relâchée.
Lors des perquisitions, la police a surtout confisqué des tracts et de livres anarchistes, des notes et un ordinateur. La police était spéciallement interessée par des mails de réunions, des adresses email d’autres anarchistes, des sites visités et des recherches faits sur internet.

L’Etat a donc saisi l’arrestation comme prétexte pour disséquer un peu le mouvement anarchiste et pour paralyser par la peur (en combinaison avec la répression en général) les anarchistes. Ça ne nous étonne point : au quotidien, des gens sont humiliés, volés, enfermés, terrorisés parce qu’ils ne peuvent ou ne veulent pas respecter les règles de ce système. Parce qu’ils refusent de se laisser voler le résultat de leur labeur par les patrons, et vont chercher l’argent là où elle se trouve en abondance. Des manifs sont matraquées, après avoir fiché tout le monde.
Ces actes toujours plus dégoutants deviennent effectivement toujours moins surprenants. Pourquoi enfreindre les règles, si on sait que la prison nous attend ? Simplement parce que nous considérons cette société déjà comme une prison. Aller à l’école pour apprendre à penser ce que dit le professeur, pour apprendre à obéir. Préparation pour l’après : pour que nous irions travailler sans nous plaindre (ou en se plaignant un peu : vive la liberté d’expression !). Pour aller consommer, car là, on est libre à le faire (vive le marché libre !). Pour correspondre aux normes sociales, devenir des contrôleurs les uns des autres, sous peine d’exclusion sociale. Beaucoup essayent de se tromper ou de tromper d’autres « qu’il n’est pas aussi mauvais ici ». Mais ceux qui ne bougent pas, ne peuvent pas sentir leurs chaînes. Ou ils essayent de ne pas les sentir, en fuyant le monde. Par la drogue, ou par le monde virtuel de jeux vidéo ou de facebook. Où le vrai monde devient une excursion, à rapporter dans celui virtuel. Beaucoup sont déprimés, car ils n’arrivent plus à se tromper que tout va bien. Ils restent au lit, n’arrivent plus à sortir de leur chambre, comme dans une cellule. Pour quelle raison est-ce qu’ils se lèveraient ?
Il y a beaucoup à faire. Tu n’es pas seul, beaucoup se sont insurgés avant toi, beaucoup s’insurgent maintenant, de mille manières. Il n’est pas impossible de briser le pouvoir, on y est arrivé avant, on peut y arriver maintenant. S’insurger, c’est déjà une victoire en soi, on goûte la liberté après tant d’années de monotonie. Quand ne pas se réveiller est devenu la seule étincelle de la vie, souviens-toi, il y a une guerre à livrer !
Le procès se déroulera mercredi 26 janvier, à 9h, audans le nouveau palais de Justice, salle 3.5


On Monday, January 24, the second day of the trial of the accused in the case of Conspiracy of Cells of Fire, the court rejected both claims of the accused: to have the minutes of the proceedings recorded ("Due to high costs" said the tribunal bozos!) and for the identity papers of those entering the courtroom not to be withheld. ...The defendants left the court, revoked their defence lawyers and stated that they will abstain from prison food and go on hunger strike if the court appointed lawyers (which it did).
Critique of the attitudes of the journalists The statement of the six accused prisoners, agreed by the three comrades* on bail, was read by  George Karagiannidis and said: "We are adamant about the retaining of our comrades' particulars. "
.G. Karagiannidis spoke of the repressive nature of the measure said the defendants want to take their voices beyond the walls of the prison. 
The statement made reference to the journalists, who "misleadingly report directly from the counter-terrorist cops They have reported on our personal lives and those of our families, so they too are exposed." 
When the accused left the prison/court dozens of comrades shouted slogans and many of them raised their fists shouting "Tough, tough, be proud and strong."
The three comrades Vogiatzakis, Rallis and Giospas who are free on bail claimed that they have nothing to fear, but said that under these circumstances they cannot attend and do not want to go to trial with lawyers whom they do not know.

25 January 2011 - The trial of those accused of involvement in the organization "Conspiracy of Cells of Fire" was stopped this morning and will resume on Thursday. The court proceeded to appoint new defence lawyers, but of the 18 lawyers appointed, only four came forward and stated that they refuse to accept the appointment. As said by the lawyers who refused to take their defence, the case is too serious and the defendants themselves do not wish to be represented. Finally, the court was suspended until Thursday with the appointment of two new lawyers per defendant.


Freedom to H.Hadjimihelakis, P. Argirou, G.Tsakalos who have taken the political responsibility for the "Conspiracy Cells of Fire" and P.Massouras, K.Karakatsani, A.Mitrousias, G.Karagiannidis who are imprisoned for the same case. 
Solidarity to all imprisoned anarchists and revolutionaries. 


Monday, January 24, 2011

Leaflet of solidarity with the Tunisian insurgents

Here the English translation of a leaflet published by some comrades in France ("Luttes autonomes" - "Autonomous struggles"). Original in French can be found here:
Leaflet of solidarity with the Tunisian insurgents
Since several weeks, proletarians in the Maghreb revolt against living conditions that become intolerable and against the terror policy of the State. They take to the street, clash with cops, assault all the buildings of the State, warehouses of goods, banks... they block roads and particularly in Algeria they clearly reject any oppositional and/or Islamite political control.
In their real practice these movements of struggle affirm themselves against the State, against private property. In this sense they are an admirable protest against the world of money, they are magnificent examples of struggle against all shapes of submissiveness, they are a foreshadowing of another world to come: the human community finally reconciled with itself and ridded of the State, money, and classes.
Rebels and exploited of the world! This struggle is ours. From the South to the North, from the East to the West its fundamental nature is everywhere the same. Workers, students, unemployed, youth, old people... all these categories dissolve in the heart of the struggle against this abject world to form only one class in struggle, with as only central preoccupation: the destruction of the State.
The answer of the State is in two ways: on one hand governments brutally repress, on the other hand the political, union, religious oppositions (playing the martyrs) propose the democratic alternation: that the clique in power goes away. In one case as in another the purpose is the same: that the revolt stops and the domination goes on, whatever its political shape. However, whatever its shape (parliamentary system, one-party system, authoritative system...) the State always remains the State. Its existence implies that the rich remain rich, that the poor are always poorer, that they work and croak in silence.
Repression means many deaths, imprisonment, torture, brutality... It's a feature of systems where the political, union, religious oppositions are absent or too weak to do their dirty work of hijacking, pacification of the struggles and hopes of a radically other world, which spring up in the struggle. It's said that over there it's the dictatorship whereas here we are in democracy, which means that nothing like this could happen to us. We would live in a finally pacified society, experiencing only some repressive excesses from time to time, some blunders attributable to people "having a problem" and not to the system.
It's false: It's first and foremost the strength of the revolt that pushes the State to slaughter thus and not a lack of rights.
It's untrue: the fact that since the war of Indochina, most of the police in the world are trained by the French police is not mentioned. If the arm is another, the brain is "made in France". As well as weapons, gases, truncheons, tanks sold every year for millions of Euros.
It's an illusion: For the moment the State here doesn't need to resort to open repression. Unions play well their role of Capital's martinet: i.e. to pacify and ward off the proletarian anger in the tricks and traps of negotiation for obtaining some crumbs and pennies. Political parties exist to maintain illusions on the involvement of all to the power. But as soon as these flunkeys will be outflanked, rejected, unable to cope... and useless, the State here will use the same methods of open terror, it will trample on the illusory scraps of paper that are the rights.
Our responsibility here is to clearly distinguish ourselves from "our" State, to show that it's a party to the present repression, and that it's even ready to intervene if the repressive forces over there are prey to doubt. It already did during the revolt in Greece in 2008: the Greek State had appealed the Spanish and Italian States for a help of their police.
Our responsibility here is to take up the torch of the struggle that we have momentarily given up at the end of the autumn. We lost a battle; we came up against the intransigence of the State and the logic of Capital. All the more reason for reacting vigorously against the aggravation of our living conditions, to refuse to continue to thrown in the sponge.
Proletarians in the Maghreb need this class solidarity! And not shy humanist protests! Not whining moaning!
Autonomous StrugglesContact:

Solidarity Poster for Polykarpos Georgiadis and Vaggelis Chrisohoidis (greece)

did anyone speak of a
“…A handful of capitalists
have organized a criminal gang
and have kidnapped the proletarians,
demanding for ransom
their labor force,
merchandising their human activity,
their time (which is turned into money),
their own being itself…”
to vaggelis Chrisohoidis and Polykarpos Georgiadis
who the persecuting authorities, exactly because they denied to betray values and people,
accuse them as participators in the kidnapping of industrialist Milonas
anarchists from Serres from north-greece

Anarchists solidarity protest outside Korydallos prison, the main prison in Athens, at the time of the change of the year. This protest happens every New Year's Eve for the past six years. This year more than 400 people took part in the protest that interacted with the prisoners inside through shouting mutual slogans and fireworks. The main slogan was "The passion for freedom is stronger that your prisons".
Watch live streaming video from agitprop at

A society that punishes/the condition of incarceration/the prison of the mind/the prison as punishment/the rage of the damned will sound on the ruins of prisons/those denying obedience and misery of our era even within its hellholes/will dance together on the ruins of every last prison/with the flame of rebellion avenging whatever creates prisons.

To the prisoners struggle already counting one dead and thousands in hunger strike across greece, we stand in solidarity and anger until the destruction of every last prison.



Keny Arkana - La Rage English Subtitles

1976 - 2000 Greek Anarchists Fight for Freedom

(December Riots in Greece)