Wednesday, January 12, 2011


We live in a chronicle period which is discerned by the intensity of state repression, arrests and prosecutions, and the sharp increase in the number of political prisoners. Furthermore, several trials are starting for cases of armed actions with defendants who either deny the charges or take responsibility for participating in armed groups. As Action for Liberty, we believe that a substantive discussion on solidarity, in the framework of the movement, is extremely necessary nowadays and this text attempts to contribute to this discussion: How the question of solidarity takes effect from an anti-capitalistic / anti-authoritarian perspective? Fromwhomandtowhom? On which point meet the general ideological and political solidarity to persecuted fighters with thespecificneedsoflegaldefense for some of them? Finally, solidarity is a core value of the social movement and why the solidarity to political prisoners particularly isa keycomponentof the revolutionaryproject?


Generally we express our solidarity a)to those people who are affected by the capitalist / state vampirism, oppression and barbarity (or sides of them) and b)to people who struggle against the Capital and State - regardlessoftheintensityandformsof their struggle. The first category includes workersandunemployed, immigrants, social discriminated and folks who experience the capitalist looting and imperialist terrorism while the second category includes from strikers, protesters and squatters to militant fighters and urban partisans. The broad field of solidarity is not determined by an abstract sensibility, but by all the contradictions of capitalist domination and the multiplicity of the (potential) competitivesubjects that are created by the domination itself - or tendstocreate. In this sense, solidarity, and any social or political practice, hasan ideologicalsign. What defines a revolutionary solidarity from other forms of solidarity is that it confronts with the nucleus of capitalist domination and bourgeois legality, that it links the current "special" issue with the "general" question of the liberation project. Of course, the solidarity topolitical prisoners, because of the profile of the recipients and the centrality of "antiterrorism" in the speech and the strategy of the dominants, condensesanti-regimecriticismand action, as, beside the previous ones, it isdirectly challenging the state monopoly on violence, which together with private ownership are the pillars of the capitalist system.


Solidarity is not one more form of anti-regime propaganda and action, although itcontainselementsof both. It isprimarily a definite political intervention, obviously with different targeting, characterandform dependingontherecipient, but with an overall aim to change with practical and material way the social and political relations benefitforthe personitis expressed to. Namely, solidarity does not get limited in condemning the situation of the recipient, slipping to sketch her/his profile as a victim, nor takes off in a general and abstract revelation of regime barbarity inspired by how the State treats to the person who receives the solidarity, ignoring the real needs of them in the particular time and space. Solidarity also does not require the identification of the overall route and figure of those people for whose it is expressed. So, solidarity does not consider about the political opinions of any discharged worker, for example, and generally respects the framework of struggle that is chosen by the defendant, neither considers if the persecuted person is a leftist, anarchist or urban partisan or if she/he has used forms of struggle which the solidarists disagree with. The relationship between the solidarists and those who express their solidarity is “exoteric” and in the same time “esoteric”. It is “exoteric” because the carriers and therecipientsofsolidarity do not share in that same time the same degrees of repression and barbarity; but meanwhile, it is “esoteric” because the two sides share experiences and knowledge of repression and barbarity, but mainly share the project of overturning the status quo which gives birth to repression and barbarity. It is a dynamicbut alsofragilerelationship, whichrequires, besides co-communication and co-respect, to identify the roles both of the solidarists and the persecuted asequalsof the"community ofstruggle”.


The solidarity with political prisoners has the advantage thatbothcarriersandrecipientsof it agree from the beginning with the project of social subversion while the political prisoners (can) operate as a collective subject, which is extremely encouraging their own struggle but also the solidarists. Of course, all political prisoners (as, respectively, all the solidarists) do not have the same understandings on all issues of the social competition and the revolutionary overthrown of the status quo. However, we believe that the political prisoners are implicitly a political subject when are met the way and views of them as fighters before entering the prison with their attitude and aims after they were captured. By this logic, the "subject political prisoners” (may) includes fighters who have been found for different reasons in prison in the frame of the anti-capitalist / anti-authoritarian struggle, so as prisoners with different defending lines, under the precondition, one, that everyone respects the way and attitude of the other and, second, that all together are self-recognized as political prisoners. Moreover, it is the State itself which, while doing everything to erase any ideological perspectives from armed actions, “gives” to someone the attribute of political prisoner definitely from the “special” way that confronts her/him. We firmly believe that in non way the attitude to the accusation (the ascension of responsibility or the refusal of accuses, the statement of participation in an armed organization or the statement of participation in anarchist / antiauthoritarian scene etc.), of course if accompanied by the corresponding decent struggling attitude in the court, can be a criterion for the status of political prisoner and, following, todeterminethe degree ofsolidarity – the principle “no hostage in the hands of the State” is now more valuable than ever. From the facts above follows that the carriers of solidarity respect the general political stance and the specificdefensive lineof the politicalprisoners, specifyingwhen it is needed in anycase, but never evaluating and prioritizing based on ideological sympathies, genealogyproximities orpolitical considerations. At the same time, the recipients of solidarity, namely the political prisoners, respect the solidarists, without requiring them either to identify with all their concepts and action or select specific political prisoners excluding others. As Action for Liberty (and Solidarity Movements in the past), we have expressed and we are still expressing, from view against the status quo, our full solidaritytopoliticalprisoners, both on thestreetsand inside the courts, both to those who have no connection with the accusation and to those who accept their participation in activities or organizations. The inclusion of many of us, already from the '70s and '80s, in the movement of solidarity to political prisoners (of course, under other socio-political conditions and with very different approaches) has taught us that the strength of solidarity is counted by the specific victories against the State (among them are included the release of political prisoners and halting back the terror-lechery and the "criminalization" of the armed organizations), but above all by this “kind” of struggle which, without holding back force and emotions, describes and creates the world for which’s realization the political prisoners are behind the bars and we are on the streets.  


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Solidarity Poster for Polykarpos Georgiadis and Vaggelis Chrisohoidis (greece)

did anyone speak of a
“…A handful of capitalists
have organized a criminal gang
and have kidnapped the proletarians,
demanding for ransom
their labor force,
merchandising their human activity,
their time (which is turned into money),
their own being itself…”
to vaggelis Chrisohoidis and Polykarpos Georgiadis
who the persecuting authorities, exactly because they denied to betray values and people,
accuse them as participators in the kidnapping of industrialist Milonas
anarchists from Serres from north-greece

Anarchists solidarity protest outside Korydallos prison, the main prison in Athens, at the time of the change of the year. This protest happens every New Year's Eve for the past six years. This year more than 400 people took part in the protest that interacted with the prisoners inside through shouting mutual slogans and fireworks. The main slogan was "The passion for freedom is stronger that your prisons".
Watch live streaming video from agitprop at

A society that punishes/the condition of incarceration/the prison of the mind/the prison as punishment/the rage of the damned will sound on the ruins of prisons/those denying obedience and misery of our era even within its hellholes/will dance together on the ruins of every last prison/with the flame of rebellion avenging whatever creates prisons.

To the prisoners struggle already counting one dead and thousands in hunger strike across greece, we stand in solidarity and anger until the destruction of every last prison.



Keny Arkana - La Rage English Subtitles

1976 - 2000 Greek Anarchists Fight for Freedom

(December Riots in Greece)